And Thus Democracy Makes Cowards Of Us All by Farish A. Noor

The older I get, the grumpier and more cynical I become; and as I grow more cynical by the day, nothing gets my goat more than having to watch and read about the developments in Malaysia where the lowest common denominator rules the day. On this occassion I find myself riled once again by the popular and populist demand for vernacular education, and to maintain a multi-track education system in the country. Again and again this issue bedevils our national politics, and again and again most, if not all, of the political parties in the country fall back to their safe positions while banking upon what they regard as their natural and safe political constituencies.

In this regard both the ruling coalition and the opposition coalition seem to be equally at fault: Neither side seems prepared to take the bull by the horns and do what seems simply necessary if we still going to entertain the notion that there is some form of nation-building at work in this country. Malaysia boasts of its uniqueness, but in this one regard it does seem to be unique indeed. After more than half a century of independence we still cling on to the notion that an inclusive national narrative can come about through not one, but several vernacular education systems. Nowhere else in the world (or the developed world at least) can I think of an example of such an arrangement, where both the government and the opposition seem inclined to support the popular demand for vernacular-based education streaming.

Nowhere else in the world would a plural society be made all the more alienated from itself by allowing kids to study in the company of those who are more culturally and linguistically closer to them. We lament, as we often do, the declining levels of inter-ethnic contact in the country; and we bemoan that the so-called 'golden years' of Malaysia in the 1950s and 1960s are long gone. And yet we maintain this inane belief that by segregating children from an early age along linguistic-cultural lines we can still forge a Malaysian nation, together. How? And upon what basis would that shared sense of national belonging be found?

We wonder how and why the religious functionaries in the country can make the pronouncements they do, but what do we expect if we allow a condition where children from the same linguistic-cultural background are kept in the company of people similar to them from primary to secondary education, and perhaps even beyond? I have said the same thing so many times by now that I am only thankful that the internet does not incur the waste of ink and paper: Yet today, in Malaysia, it is conceivable that a child of a particular linguistic-cultural group grows up in the company of similar children up to the age of 18, without ever having to shake hands with someone of a different ethnic, linguistic or religious background. So much for diversity then - how on earth can we expect Malaysians to integrate if the educational system keeps them apart for so long?

And while on the subject of comparisons, can we imagine a similar situation in any developed country, like the UK, Germany or France? Where would France and Germany's minorities be if they were segregated from childhood in Arabic or Turkish schools? How could they hope to enter the mainstream of society that is still defined and shaped by the national language of those countries? On the contrary, while I was living in Germany I came across scores of German-Arab and Turks who wanted their kids to enter and succeed in the mainstream educational system, knowing that in that country that is the only path to higher education, and possible upward social mobility as well.

Yet what it takes for this to happen in Malaysia is political courage and the will to put forward radical proposals that may not be popular, in fact downright unpopular. It takes a politician with guts to say that Malaysian kids ought to be able to meet, study, compete and succeed in a singular national educational system that mirrors the reality of Malaysia's plural and complex society. And it takes some courage to state that if any Malaysian parent wishes his or her child to study Mandarin or Tamil, he should be able to do so in the same singular national schooling system where these languages should also be taught as Malaysian languages - languages that have been spoken in the region for centuries.

But politicians tend to be timid in the face of democratic populism, and the will of the voter - no matter how uninstructed, how bigotted or biased - seems to hold sway over their own opinions. I have met politicians on both sides of the fence who have confided in me their fears and anxiety over where the nation-building process in Malaysia is heading, and who know that if this trend continues there will not be one Malaysia but several Malaysias, that live side by side but remain clueless about their neighbours. But these very same politicians seem captive to the ballot box and paralyzed when it comes to doing what is necessary, albeit unpopular. They cannot speak out for fear of losing their so-called 'natural vote bases', that happen to be ethnic and linguistic vote bases, reflective of our fractured society. And so the charade continues, and we remain a nation that studies, and lives, apart. Thus has Populist Democracy made cowards of us all.

End.

The Multigenerational Workforce Survey – Aspirations, Attitudes, and Alignment with one another

We are happy to inform you that we are conducting a survey on the multigenerational workforce to learn their aspirations, attitudes and how they see each other.

This is the second survey we are conducting on the multigenerational workforce. The first one done in 2009 was focused more towards the attitudes of the Gen Y, but this time, we are interested to find out the interrelation between Gen Y, Gen X and Baby Boomers.

We need your help to encourage the Baby Boomers, Gen X, and Gen Y in your organisation to answer the survey. They can do this by visiting https://docs.google.com/spreadsheet/viewform?formkey=dFZ3cjN4djlPZFdaTG5KZTNhaXRKU3c6MQ

There will be three separate survey forms:
i. for Baby Boomers
ii. for Gen Xs
iii. for Gen Ys

From the results gathered from the survey, we will produce a report which we will be happy to send to you. We will also be giving a free talk to present our findings, to be informed at a later date.

Thank you.

Let us add value,
zubedy (m) sdn. bhd.

I Believe

Dear Brother and Sister Malaysians,

I believe…

‘Until we give NO FREE RIDE to every candidate, no matter which party they may represent, we cannot stand proud and say "WE, THE RAKYAT, ARE IN CHARGE”.’

I believe that a single voter can make a difference. You and I, we are powerful!

I believe that we, the rakyat, are in charge. I believe that our votes and actions count for everything.

I believe that as we, the rakyat, move for the good of the nation, we are changing our nation for the better. I believe that we the rakyat are more powerful than all the party machineries put together.

I believe we can win when we do the right thing. I believe that God is with us when we are genuine, truthful and have faith in Him. I believe.

I am looking for fellow believers.

I am writing to you as a fellow Malaysian, a fellow believer with a heart for Malaysia. Let’s find ways as rakyat to work towards changing Malaysians and Malaysian politics for the better - with love, care and mindfulness; not with anger and hatred.

It is our collective responsibility to ensure we improve the quality of our lawmakers, regardless which party they are from. We are the real third force. This moment in time calls us as rakyat to act to make sure we get only our best people to represent us in parliament. When we get the best, it does not matter which party they are from.

If we grant the mandate for unfit Malaysians to become our leaders, we are directly responsible for letting our nation fall to neglect. So let’s work. Let’s work to make sure only the smartest, uncorrupted, hardworking, sound and healthy candidates are elected.

I need to convince you that when we believe, we can make a difference…

This is what we can do to ensure we have good leaders after the next elections:

1. Make an appointment with the potential candidates for your voting area and go meet with them. Go individually, or better still gather a few friends/family from the same voting area and go together.

2. Before you meet them, make sure you have decided what you want to ask from them. List down your wishes. Remember to use your Reason, Conscience and the Constitution as a guide. For an example, go to http://www.letusaddvalue.blogspot.com/2012/02/my-letter-to-nurul-izzah.html

3. When meeting your potential candidates:

Things to bring

Your wish list from your MPs/ADUNs

A video recording device (your phone camera will be good enough)

What to do:

Choose to be respectful. Tell them you have a list of what you look for when deciding which leader to vote. Tell them that it will help you decide how to vote if they promise to keep this ‘halal contract’ between you, a rakyat, and your political representative.

Be clear: let them know that regardless of your political inclination, you will choose whoever is better at representing the rakyat. If anything, you want to be guided only by Reason, Conscience and the Constitution.

Show them your wish-list and ask them to choose which of the requests they agree with. The more they agree with, the more likely you will vote them.

Record a video of their clearly stated promise to keep to these wishes. Request that they say,

‘I, _________, if elected as an MP/ADUN, promise to (items on the list which they agree with)’.

4. This is how we can cause the ripple effect:

Once you have the recording, spread the news - post it up to your Facebook and link it to your Twitter, blogs, and other social media platforms. As a way to share it with other like-minded Malaysians, link the video back to   www.facebook.com/Campaign.NoFreeRides

5. This ‘halal contract’ is your lasting proof and accountability check. If, at any time after elected, your MP/ADUN fails to keep his promise, you can follow up with this proof to remind him, and the rest of the nation, of his/her promises.

One rakyat in each voting area is all it really takes. You can be that person.

When, because of our actions, we make this country better, one day we will look back and know that the reason we made a difference was because we believed.

I believe. Do you?

anas zubedy

My letter to Raja Nong Chik

Salam Raja Nong Chik,

How are you?

I have been receiving SMS-es from you on several occasions, and I am assuming you will be contesting in Lembah Pantai, my voting area in the next general elections. I would be very thankful if you could spare some time for a meet to discuss a few things.

I have initiated a plan to ensure that only the best candidate will represent the rakyat. I am not partisan, and as such I am willing to vote the best candidate, be they from Pakatan Rakyat, Barisan Nasional or Independents.

I would like to have a contract, albeit a halal one, with the potential candidates. I have a wish list that I would like you and your opponent to look into before I make my decision on who to vote. I do not expect you to agree to every item, but the candidate who agrees and promises to do more will get my vote.

Here is my list for discussion, that you:

i. Propose the enactment of non-party hopping within six months and continue to push it forward until the law is in place. You personally will not party hop and will open and explicitly go against the acceptance of any party-hoppers into your team

ii. Speak on behalf of all Malaysians regardless of race or religion at all times and never fight only for one community

iii. Promote economic policies that provide support to all Malaysians in the bottom 40% strata of society, regardless of race

iv. Publicly declare your assets with a third party register with a legally binding statutory declaration

v. Propose to make the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) report directly to Parliament, within six months of the GE and continue to fight for it until the law is in place

vi. Call for a press conference within a month after the elections and show clear knowledge, appreciation and support that the Malay and indigenous customs form our core culture, while the Chinese,Indian and other cultures play strong supporting roles as part and parcel to form the unique Malaysia brand

vii. Practice empathy; e.g. - refuse to allow beef or pork to be served or sold in all government-related premises, projects and all party activities.

viii. Initiate a process to work towards one-stream schools which also adequately provides for all who want to learn their vernacular languages, to be established within the next fifteen years. Propose a contitutional change to make this happen within six months after elections.

ix. Ensure that at least 50% of your work schedule is allocated for working directly for the people in your constituency, you will clock in the hours and keep a monthly report of these efforts

x. Rise above party politics, and keep the above nine conditions even if it goes against your party
Please note that I will be recording a video of your pledge and I will be uploading it onto my Facebook and other social media avenues.

I will be most happy to meet you in the first two weeks of March. I can be contacted at anas@zubedy.com, www.twitter.com/anaszubedy, or 03-77270758.

Thank you.

Salam.

anas zubedy

My letter to Nurul Izzah

Salam Nurul Izzah,

How are you?

I am writing to you as you are my current MP in Lembah Pantai. I would be very thankful if you could spare some time for a meet to discuss a few things.

I am assuming you will be contesting in the same seat in the next elections. I have initiated a plan to ensure that only the best candidate will represent the rakyat. I am not partisan, and as such I am willing to vote the best candidate, be they from Pakatan Rakyat, Barisan Nasional or Independents.

I would like to have a contract, albeit a halal one, with the potential candidates. I have a wish list that I would like you and your opponent to look into before I make my decision on who to vote. I do not expect you to agree to every item, but the candidate who agrees and promises to do more will get my vote.

Here is my list for discussion, that you:

i. Propose the enactment of non-party hopping within six months and continue to push it forward until the law is in place. You personally will not party hop and will open and explicitly go against the acceptance of any party-hoppers into your team

ii. Speak on behalf of all Malaysians regardless of race or religion at all times and never fight only for one community

iii. Promote economic policies that provide support to all Malaysians in the bottom 40% strata of society, regardless of race

iv. Publicly declare your assets with a third party register with a legally binding statutory declaration

v. Propose to make the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) report directly to Parliament, within six months of the GE and continue to fight for it until the law is in place

vi. Call for a press conference within a month after the elections and show clear knowledge, appreciation and support that the Malay and indigenous customs form our core culture, while the Chinese,Indian and other cultures play strong supporting roles as part and parcel to form the unique Malaysia brand

vii. Practice empathy; e.g. - refuse to allow beef or pork to be served or sold in all government-related premises, projects and all party activities.

viii. Initiate a process to work towards one-stream schools which also adequately provides for all who want to learn their vernacular languages, to be established within the next fifteen years. Propose a contitutional change to make this happen within six months after elections.

ix. Ensure that at least 50% of your work schedule is allocated for working directly for the people in your constituency, you will clock in the hours and keep a monthly report of these efforts

x. Rise above party politics, and keep the above nine conditions even if it goes against your party


Please note that I will be recording a video of your pledge and I will be uploading it onto my Facebook and other social media avenues.

I will be most happy to meet you in the first two weeks of March. I can be contacted at anas@zubedy.com, www.twitter.com/anaszubedy or 03-77270758

Thank you.

Salam.

anas zubedy

The Thirteenth General Election: Great Expectations by Prof Dr Chandra Muzaffar - Yayasan 1 Malaysia

On the occasion of the 200^th birth anniversary of the celebrated English writer, Charles Dickens, one senses that many well-heeled, well-educated Malaysians harbour some “Great Expectations” about the future of the nation once the Barisan Nasional (BN) is ousted from power in the 13^th General Election. There are various dimensions to these Great Expectations.

There are Malaysians who are convinced that a Pakatan Rakyat (PR) government in Putrajaya will usher in a magnificent era of honest, competent governance. They forget that when a government is overthrown in a democracy there is no guarantee that its successor will be able to ensure the triumph of good, clean governance partly because the scope for radical, holistic change in a competitive party system with deep, vested interests is limited. The Janata Party in India, in spite of its popular crusade against corruption within the ruling Indian National Congress, failed to curb the scourge and was in power for only three years from 1977 to 1980. Similarly, the opposition coalition that replaced the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) in 1993 hardly made a dent upon the institutionalised elite corruption that has plagued Japanese politics for a long while.

The PR, it is true, has, at the state level, initiated a couple of measures that reflect good governance such as the declaration of the assets of Executive Council members and a ‘Freedom of Information Act.’ Mentri Besar Azizan Abdul Razak in Kedah and Chief Minister Lim Guan Eng in Penang are perceived by a segment of the public in the two states as men of integrity. Nonetheless, questions have arisen in these and other PR states about flood mismanagement, under-priced land sale, shady sand deals and nepotism. Besides, there are high profile leaders in the PR who were deeply involved in money politics and vote-buying not so long ago.

This is why in the struggle against corruption one should not expect a miracle to happen with the advent of a new government. The exercise of power invariably opens the door to temptation. Abraham Lincoln was right when he observed that the “true test of a person’s character is not when he is in adversity but when he has power.” This also explains why institutions outside the arena of power politics such as the Courts, enforcement agencies and people’s movements have been more effective in curbing corruption in democratic societies. It is these institutions that Malaysian citizens should help to strengthen.

There is another dimension to Great Expectations that many Chinese and Indian Malaysians in particular subscribe to. The PR leadership, they fervently hope, will bring to an end, policies that favour Malays and Bumiputras in certain specific areas. This will not happen because the Special Position of the Malays and the Bumiputras of Sabah and Sarawak is an entrenched Article in the Malaysian Constitution under the direct protection of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong and the Conference of Rulers. Neither the ballot box nor Parliament can change this. Even the Democratic Action Party (DAP) --- seen as the vehicle for some of these expectations--- has at its recent party congress reiterated its support for the Special Position Article in the Constitution.

The most that one can hope for is that the PR will implement policies emanating from Special Position in a fair and equitable manner. The BN--- many objective analysts will argue--- has also attempted to implement Special Position policies with an appreciable degree of justice. There have been occasions, however, over the last 54 years when BN leaders have faltered and failed. This has created anger and unhappiness among a lot of non-Malays and some Malays. Since the inability to place the public good over private gain is often the reason for deviation, one can expect this human failing to occur even when the PR or some other group is in power. Hence, the importance of eternal vigilance on the part of the citizenry.

A third and final dimension of Great Expectations is confined largely to the Muslims in PR and their backers. They are praying that with PR in power, the Islamic Party of Malaysia (PAS) will be able to move steadily towards its ultimate goal of an Islamic State. Those issues that affect non-Muslims directly may be put on the back-burner for a while but other aspects of Fiqh (jurisprudence) pertaining to women, male-female interaction, culture and entertainment, and hudud, it is quite conceivable, will be implemented one way or another. PAS’s constituency which will be much more massive once it is on the saddle of power, its ideological orientation, and the influence of the ulama within and without the party, will ensure that it remains faithful to its agenda. It is very unlikely that Muslims from other parties in Parliament will openly oppose PAS’s Islamic agenda given the uncritical acceptance of ulama authority among Malaysian Muslims.

That PAS is determined to fulfil its ideological mission is borne out by its conduct after its best parliamentary performance ever in the 1999 General Election. Though it promised to uphold the common manifesto it shared with its other three partners in what was then collectively known as the Barisan Alternatif, --- a manifesto that made no mention of an Islamic State or hudud or fiqh--- PAS, which had captured Trengganu from the BN, proclaimed almost immediately that it would be enforcing the kharaj, an antiquated tax meant specifically for non-Muslims, in that state. The proposal was subsequently aborted partly because of protests from its partners. Nonetheless, PAS Trengganu later went ahead with its hudud legislation to prove its fidelity to its vision of Islam.

What this shows is that if Pakatan Rakyat comes to power in Putrajaya, PAS may be in a better position to achieve some of its Great Expectations compared to the DAP. Political and constitutional realities will constrain the latter. As for other Great Expectations about governance and integrity, Malaysians would do well to adopt a critical but balanced approach towards politicians of all stripes.

Our best hope lies in continuing to speak truth to power on both sides of the divide.

Dr. Chandra Muzaffar is Chairman of the Board of Trustees of the Yayasan 1Malaysia and Professor of Global Studies at Universiti Sains Malaysia.

12 February 2012.

1CARE Finally something worth reading- FMT

February 8, 2012

FMT LETTER: From TheBlack Cactus, via e-mail

In the last few weeks there has been sporadic debate on the proposed national health scheme dubbed 1Care in both the internet and the mainstream media. A collective conclusion shared by both the public and the very professionals alike (who play a major role in the system) is the uncanny ability to fully comprehend the confusing entity which remains an uncertainty till today.

This commentary was written to achieve the following objectives: 1 To help the public understand why this system was proposed and what led to the genesis of this scheme; 2 If possible, to pressure the government to be more transparent in providing information on the 1Care Scheme to allay fears among the general public; 3 To help the layperson understand the un-addressed policy issues but highly crucial perspectives surrounding the 1Care Scheme.

First, it would be wise to have a quick update on the prevailing Malaysian Health Care system so that it would help shine some light as to why there is a sudden accelerated interest to bring the 1Care Scheme into an imminent reality.

The Malaysian health care scenario

The Malaysian health care system has often been hailed globally for its ability to endorse a sustainable health policy that reflects an outstanding and equitable health status at a relatively low economic burden. By allocating just 3% of its GDP to health care (majority of industrialised countries invest rough about 6%, with the exception of the United States which devotes 16%), data compiled by World Health Organisation shows that the performance of the Malaysian health system is, in fact, highly efficient. This is evidenced by the “Health Adjusted Life Expectancy”(HALE) at birth indicator, which categorises Malaysia as equal to most industrialised countries at 63 years.

However, the complexity of the system has also brought in much uncertainty that has not only slowed down service delivery, but has been closely related to the gradual increase in economic burden. In an effort to make health care accessible (and most importantly equal) to all fabric of the society, the concept of Universal Health Care was formulated and adopted by most countries around the world including Malaysia.

The system attempts to finance the health benefits for all by a balance of tax revenues and medical insurance (mostly recommended by private health caregiver in Malaysia currently). This is imposed on employed, working class population. In Malaysia, much of the public medical fees are subsidised to a great extent from the much gained tax revenues.

It is important to note that the Ministry Of Health only manages to recover 3% of its total operating cost through fees collected at health care premises. The amount is strikingly lower than most payments made in most European health system (which employs the co-payment system where funds are partly subsidised by the government and the insurance premium paid by the patient). The average consultation at a token rate of RM1 at any primary care centre barely covers 1% of the economic cost per visit.

The resulting non sustainable system calls for fiscal limitations and will eventually cause much financial loss due to: 1 The spur of an unrealistic and unachievable demand for public health care; 2 The operational costs to cover universal health care will surpass the government’s current fiscal capacity.

By understanding this, it comes as no surprise that the proposed 1Care Scheme is a platform designed to re-coup the wastages from a bleeding pre-existing ( but noble and functional if properly handled) health care system that is sub-optimally managed. Like any other subsidised policies, the current health care system is resilient to any structural reform partly due to the lack of political will (where it is vital to appease voters by holding on to the unsustainable RM1 token fee and RM15-20 token fee paid at primary and specialist health clinics respectively) and the society itself whom have become so accustomed to enjoying cheap but scarce medical resources that has been perpetually vulnerable to potential abuse all these years.

The most important question: Where is the information?

Unlike most countries that have proposed and implemented such a scheme, information on the mechanics and the policies enshrined in the health care scheme is widely available for public scrutiny. One could easily access any updates and knowledge on the health care scheme through the Ministry Of Health website of the respective countries.

The same cannot be said for the 1Care system. The public, at large, have very patchy ideas on the health scheme without corroborative evidence from the Ministry Of Health. It would have been prudent, with all the disparate views available from all avenues of the mass media, to allay all concerns by allowing the public to peer into the workings of the proposed scheme or at least highlight the salient points that matters most to the average Malaysian. Efforts to make it an intellectual discourse by taking in question from the public would have been highly commendable.

Strangely, the documents or information regarding its modus operandi has remained elusive and is not available on the Ministry Of Health website (which is mandatory in most civil nations). The reason as to why this has been enshrouded in secrecy remains anyone’s best guess. However, one could only speculate that perhaps the precise knowledge of the system is within the confines of a privileged few elites who are still, themselves, grappling to reach a consensus on how to implement a scheme that is totally not viable given the current economic climate.

Hypothesised 1Care scheme model

With the escalating rate of medical expenditure in the country, a cost containment approach has to be put in place to eradicate or replace an ailing healthcare system that burdens the economy. One such option would be the 1Care Scheme. Given the very sketchy information on how this would be implemented, one could only draw inferences from other similar healthcare systems.

Bearing that in mind, it would suffice to say that the scheme would promote the technique of ‘managed care’ (by managed care organisations or MCOs) where the autonomy of patients is sacrificed and replaced by a predetermined set of rules. These rules govern patient’s rights to which doctor, the type of care and the kind of medications he/she receives. Many of us are aware of this issue has been given much focus in the previous attempts to describe the proposed health system in the media.

This has, in the past, led to reprisals mainly arising from public dissatisfaction. This was due to denial of care stemming from government legislation and tight labour rules that restricts the access one has to healthcare options. Employers would then offer private health care plans (which are private insurance plans) to fill in this vacuum so that employees could afford all available treatments. Ultimately (and to the contrary of cost containment), this incident would give rise to the ballooning of medical expenditure in the country.

Free treatment for all, really?

Unless the full blueprint is made public, one could only hypothesise the magnitude or the process of financing involved in the 1Care Scheme which is the crux of understanding how the whole system functions. The population might be divided up to two broad classes namely: The general public, and concessional patients (the ageing public, citizens below the poverty line, disabled/handicapped)

It will be compulsory for all working citizens of the general public, who have wages within the taxable bracket, to pay 10% of their earnings as contribution necessary for the funding of the scheme. Remember that this 10% tax does not mean that one is entitled to the type of care, it is just a contribution which is used to pay the wages of the physicians and other miscellaneous expenses (purchase of new equipments or subsidising the concessional patients, etc.). This will be collected as federal taxes.

Secondly, to be amenable to treatments within the system, the general public will have to take up an insurance policy (social health insurance). Treatments within this system will be closely regulated by MCOs which could mean that a patient might not be covered for a wide range of interventions (eg. optical surgeries, prosthesis, aesthetics etc.).

Just one burning question – Is the scheme really free in a manner that it provides universal healthcare in a similar vein to the current system? Will drugs be free now that payments have been made by contributing to taxes and insurance schemes? Read on carefully.

So much focus has been given to the taxable amount that we need to contribute but the society has become oblivious about other aspects of the mandatory payments that one has to make in order to get the full package of services available. In summary, this would be the likely formula for the 1Care Scheme : Social health insurance (SHI) + General taxation + minimal Co-payments for a defined Benefits Package.

The fundamentals of SHIs and general taxation have been explained in detail earlier. What are Copayments and Benefit Packages that are also an inherent part of the formula though?

Copayments are payments that have to be made by patients when their treatment has exceeded the threshold tolerated by the health scheme. Thus, a patient has to fork out a certain amount of money once the treatment requires more financial assistance due to the nature of their illness. Benefit packages seem define the type of insurance from which special group within the population will be stratified accordingly to separate those who deserve exemption from payments or their treatments costs partially subsidised.

Extrapolating from the statement above, even the casual layperson would demand an explanation by posing several questions below:

1 It was said that free treatment will be given to all. But what are these copayments then?

2 Will there be copayments for drugs? Is there a minimum pricing policy?

3 Which class of society will be eligible to total subsidy and exempted from all payments?

4 How will the general public gain access to other treatments that the SHI does not cover?

To minimise copayments, steps will be taken to provide cheap but ‘equally’ good quality drugs or services determined by the MCOs. This is called the minimum pricing policy, a key policy issue that has been very much in the shadows since the planning of 1Care policy.

MCOs will only allow more patient autonomy if they willing to endure an additional cost by purchasing an additional private insurance which will bestow certain benefits: Patients will now be provided with the added benefits which are not covered by the SHI policy.

Patients will be able to then choose doctors and types of procedures (dental/optical/physiotherapy that was previously not available in the SHI scheme)

Rise in public health care burden secondary

The trend of an increase in purchase of additional private health insurance will influence the increase in demand of services as a whole.With the access to an affordable yearly insurance premium, the growing population will have a lowered out-of-the pocket price to pay when seeking medical treatment. This will directly lead to the increase in market demand for health care services for the medical needy and indirectly cause the sudden surge of prices for medical services.

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