Ulasan Buku: #BodohPolitik by Uthaya Sankar SB - TMI

 

KUALA LUMPUR, 21 April — Sesungguhnya politik adalah salah satu topik yang paling menarik, mudah, selesa dan sesuai diperkatakan pada semua peringkat — dari kedai kopi hingga ke lobi Parlimen.

Malah, saya sering mengatakan bahawa saya amat “suka” akan politikus dan segala perkara yang berlaku di dalam dan di luar parti-parti politik kerana semua itulah — Drama Paul Lathic — yang menjadi sumber inspirasi yang berterusan bagi begitu banyak karya berbentuk satira dan parodi yang saya hasilkan sejak 1992.

Bayangkan jika tidak ada ahli politik dan parti politik. Pasti tidak ada apa-apa yang menarik untuk diperkatakan serta tidak ada apa-apa untuk dilaporkan menerusi media cetak dan media elektronik arus perdana.
Buku “#BodohPolitik: 101 easy guides on how (not) to choose a Malaysian leader” (2012) oleh Anas Zubedy memberikan 101 lagi topik atau fakta menarik untuk dibicarakan berhubung perkara sama.

Kelahiran buku ini juga ternyata amat kena pada masa dan tempatnya kerana Pilihan Raya Umum Ke-13 semakin hampir dan orang ramai (pengundi) perlu lebih bersedia untuk melaksanakan tanggungjawab memilih bakal pemimpin yang benar-benar berwibawa.

Buku ini memaparkan 101 perkara yang sesuai dilabel sebagai “bodoh politik” serta ditulis dalam Bahasa Malaysia, Inggeris, Mandarin dan Tamil. Saya berpeluang terlibat sama dalam menyemak dan memurnikan sebahagian besar terjemahan Bahasa Malaysia. Individu lain yang terlibat ialah Mu, Sangar, Fah Yen Yin, Chai Hong, Sharon, Aminah Poh, Rosa dan Soo How.

Penggunaan hashtag (#) pada setiap pandangan di dalam buku ini memberikannya “rasa” seperti komentar yang sering dikongsikan kepada umum menerusi Twitter. Namun, perlu dinyatakan bahawa ada pandangan yang terlalu panjang untuk paparan Twitter.

Setiap pandangan yang amat sinis — “siapa yang makan cili, dia yang terasa pedasnya” — dikemukakan dalam empat bahasa utama di negara ini. Sekali gus, mampu turut dinikmati oleh mana-mana politikus dan pak turut yang hanya tahu satu bahasa.

Misalnya: “#BodohPolitik adalah apabila kita andaikan orang India, Cina dan etnik lain yang miskin tidak layak mendapat hak yang sama seperti golongan Bumiputera yang sama-sama miskin” dan “#BodohPolitik adalah apabila kita sibuk memikirkan pilihan raya akan datang berbanding apa yang perlu dibuat selepas pilihan raya — iaitu bekerja untuk rakyat”.

Pada masa sama, Anas turut menyelar dan mengkritik golongan masyarakat (pengundi) yang juga selalu bertindak tanpa berfikir secara rasional dalam pelbagai perkara.
Misalnya: “#BodohPolitik adalah apabila kita sanggup mengundi seseorang calon atau parti semata-mata kerana kita membenci calon atau parti yang satu lagi” dan “#BodohPolitik adalah apabila kita pandai merungut, mengeluh, mengkritik tentang politik tapi tidak mengambil inisiatif mendaftar sebagai pengundi”.

Buku “pelbagai rasa” (pedas, manis, pahit, kelat) ini baru sahaja terbit dan dijangka menarik perhatian pelbagai lapisan masyarakat; sama ada sebagai bahan bacaan ringan atau bacaan serius yang mencabar minda.

Anda pasti berasa bangga dilihat di tempat awam bersama-sama buku ini kerana hanya orang yang “bodoh politik” akan menjauhkan diri daripada buku seperti ini.

* Uthaya Sankar SB memblog di www.uthayasb.blogspot.com dan boleh dihubungi menerusi e-mel uthayasb@yahoo.com.my

Read this article in TMI

#BodohPolitik: 101 easy guides on how (not) to choose a Malaysian leader

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A Nation’s Road Signs by Dr. Chandra Muzaffar

As the 13^th General Election looms large on the horizon, politicians and media commentators are talking about a nation at the crossroads. If we are at the crossroads, nothing is more important to the ordinary Malaysian voter than clear road signs. In a multi-ethnic society where internal divisions are more pronounced than in other societies, such road signs are crucial.

For a road sign to make sense in multi-ethnic Malaysia, it should fulfil a basic pre-requisite. It should be a road sign that accommodates the interests and aspirations of each and every community. Because it is accommodative and inclusive, all Malaysians would be able to identify with it. What this means is that while the component elements of Malaysian society will be able to identify with it, the sign itself should transcend the various communities and embrace the Malaysian nation in its entirety.

There are four road signs that meet this condition---- the Malaysian Constitution, Rukunegara, Wawasan 2020 and 1Malaysia. All four of them are inclusive and resonant with Malaysians as a whole, regardless of ethnicity or religion. This is their fundamental strength.

The most important of these road signs, the Constitution, not only acknowledges the Malay root of the nation by placing the Malay Rulers at the pinnacle and recognising the Malay language as the national and official language and Islam as the religion of the Federation but it also embraces the languages and religions of the other communities as part and parcel of Malaysian society. Similarly, the five goals of the Rukunegara--- a united, democratic, just, liberal and progressive society--- guided by five principles ---- belief in God, loyalty to King and country, upholding the Constitution, the rule of law, and good behaviour and morality ---- appeal to the vast majority of Malaysians. Wawasan 2020 is in many ways an extension of the Rukunegara incorporating some new challenges such as creating a psychologically liberated, secure and developed society; a fully caring society and a caring culture; and a fully moral and ethical society as part of its nine strategic challenges. Again, these challenges transcend cultural and religious boundaries. 1Malaysia needless to say is an all-encompassing idea whose essence is inclusiveness.

How have these road signs helped to shape Malaysian society over the last 54 years since Merdeka? An objective appraisal would reveal that in some respects the government has followed the signs; in other respects it has not adhered to them. The inter-ethnic equilibrium in the Constitution for instance has guided the Barisan Nasional leadership in ensuring a remarkable degree of inter-ethnic peace. However, it could have done more to develop a sense of common citizenship. Reducing absolute poverty from 49.3 per cent in 1970 to 3.8 per cent in 2010 is a laudable achievement from the perspective of the Rukunegara’s just society but its significance is diminished by the fact that disparities between the have-a-lot and the have-a-little have been widening in recent decades. Besides, there is hardly any mention of the Rukunegara’s five goals in our schools or through the media--- a point I first raised 25 years ago. Likewise, what most people know about Wawasan 2020 is the aspiration to attain ‘developed nation’ status by that year measured largely through per capita income. They are not aware that creating an ethical society is an equally critical challenge in that vision. 1Malaysia may have generated a feeling of oneness to a limited extent but it has yet to come to grips with the formidable communal challenges emanating from both sides of the ethnic divide.

If this is the credit-debit balance as far as the BN government is concerned, how does the opposition relate to the nation’s road signs? Opposition political parties have seldom viewed the Constitution or the Rukunegara or Wawasan 2020 or 1Malaysia as vital instruments for forging national unity or building the nation. They only serve as darts to be thrown at the government for its alleged failure to live up to certain principles or promises.

It is not difficult to understand why PAS, as a case in point, lacks any real attachment to the nation’s road signs. It has always been committed to only one road sign: an Islamic State as defined by the party. It is a sign that the 40 per cent non-Muslim population will not be able to empathise with, however accommodative PAS’s notion of an Islamic state may be. Given that PAS’s concept of an Islamic State reflects a specific interpretation of the religion---- as it is with Islamic movements and states elsewhere --- a lot of Muslims who may have a different approach to Islamic law, or the position of non-Muslim minorities or the role of women in society, will also be uncomfortable with the party’s ideology. In other words, PAS’s road sign can never ever be inclusive.

Neither is the DAP’s road sign inclusive. Its ‘Malaysian Malaysia’ is perceived by the overwhelming majority of Malays as a repudiation of the history and identity of the land. Some of the party’s stances including its demand that Chinese education be put on par with education in the national language lend credence to this perception.

PKR’s road sign is of a different kind. It points in the direction of an individual. Though the three parties that constitute the Pakatan Rakyat follow different road signs they are all, ironically, on the same road to Putrajaya. What keeps them together especially when the DAP rejects outright PAS’s Islamic State? Is this an example of opposites getting attracted towards one another? A law in physics at work in politics? Or are all three parties attracted to something else? The irresistible magnet of power?

Dr. Chandra Muzaffar is Chairman of the Board of Trustees of Yayasan 1Malaysia.

Petaling Jaya.

9 April 2012.

The Security Offences Bill And Political Transformation by Dr. Chandra Muzaffar

What is the real significance of the Security Offences (Special Measures) Bill 2012 tabled in the Dewan Rakyat on April 10 2012? The Bill is one of those extraordinary examples in history--- in the history of any nation--- of the Executive voluntarily surrendering its power to the Judiciary. The power to detain a person without trial under the Internal Security Act (ISA) was, in a sense, the ultimate expression of unfettered authority. Now the government of Dato Sri Najib Tun Razak has decided to relinquish that authority in the larger interest of the nation and the people.

The implications of the abolition of the ISA and detention without trial are manifold. One, it demonstrates respect for the rights and dignity of the human person. No Malaysian has to fear any more the Executive’s arbitrary exercise of power in the guise of national security or political stability. If a person is deemed to be a threat to national security because of his alleged involvement in organised violence or economic sabotage or espionage or in some attempt to overthrow parliamentary democracy, he will be arrested and investigated for a maximum of 28 days, and if there is evidence against him, he will be produced in Court. It is a Judge--- not a Minister--- who will decide his fate based upon the law. It is equally significant that the Bill states explicitly, “No person shall be arrested and detained ... solely for his political belief or political activity.”

Two, the Bill also enhances Executive accountability. The Police as the Executive’s arm will have to conduct a thorough investigation with all the instruments of the law at its disposal within a specific time-frame. If there is a case against the alleged security offender, the Public Prosecutor will have to convince the Judge. It is this that makes the Executive answerable to the Judiciary.

Three, the Bill also provides for a degree of parliamentary oversight. It says that the 28 day period of investigation “shall be reviewed every five years and shall cease to have effect unless, upon the review, a resolution is passed by both Houses of Parliament to extend the period of operation of this provision.”

Four, the Bill, it is so obvious, strengthens the Judiciary. Since its role is to protect and preserve justice, the Judiciary will now be able to play that role in the context of determining who is and who is not a threat to national security and public order.

Five, given the positive impact of the Bill upon all three branches of government--- the Executive, the Legislature and the Judiciary--- it will undoubtedly reinforce the rule of law and improve democratic governance.

While contributing to democratic governance, the Bill is also cognisant of the importance of protecting the well-being of society as a whole. Provisions relating to sensitive information, interception of communication, electronic monitoring device, protected witness and hearing in camera, testify to this. Nonetheless, even in these spheres, there is some check and balance to ensure that the scope for abuse is minimised.

It is indisputably true that the Bill viewed in its entirety marks a break with the past. Indeed, the Security Offences (Special Measures) Bill, juxtaposed with a number of other measures introduced by the Prime Minister in the last seven months, heralds a new era in Malaysian politics. Three Emergency Ordinances have been abolished; laws pertaining to restricted residence and banishment have been rescinded; the annual renewal of licence requirement in the Publications Act has been removed; and the Universities and University Colleges Act has been amended to allow for student participation in party politics. There is also now a Freedom of Assembly Act which is a fairer reflection of Article 10 in the Malaysian Constitution than what the Police Act had provided for. The 32 recommendations adopted by the Dewan Rakyat in December 2011 and in April 2012 aimed at improving the electoral system also promise to enhance freedom and democracy in our country.

Of course, some of these amended laws can be further reformed. There are other laws such as the Sedition Act and the Official Secrets Act which should also be abolished or at least modified drastically.

But no one can deny that the reforms that have taken place in recent times under Prime Minister Najib’s leadership embody the most comprehensive, the most far-reaching agenda for political change that the nation has known since Merdeka. These changes, epitomised by the abolition of the ISA and detention without trial, if properly implemented, will accelerate the sort of political transformation that many right-thinking Malaysians are committed to--- a political transformation that will give substance to the exercise of freedom with responsibility.

Dr. Chandra Muzaffar is Chairman of the Board of Trustees of Yayasan 1Malaysia.

Petaling Jaya.

11 April 2012.

Have A Meaningful Vaisakhi

Have A Meaningful Vaisakhi

Bebe Nanaki Ji (1464 - 1518);
the first Gursikh and elder sister of Sri Guru Nanak Dev Ji who was a pillar of support for her brother and helped pave the way for his mission

Choose the middle path:
Nurture our young regardless of ethnicity, religion, locality or political leaning

To survive into the future, organisations and society must manage the current pool of young talents. We need to identify these leaders and develop them into bridge builders connecting the old and the new, today with tomorrow.

When it comes to preparing our young, our criteria should not be race, religion, geography or political leaning. Beyond these, we need to critically identify those with capacity for growth, those with the ability to achieve results and make things happen; those who are able to deal with people from different backgrounds with diverse needs; and most importantly, the ones with integrity to do what is right.

While biases may exist for the older generations, we must be careful not to pass them on to the next generation. In business organisations, bosses must be careful not to create factions within the company. When people at the ground level are pitted against each other, it is hurtful to the organisation as a whole as members are forced to choose camps rather than make the company’s corporate vision a compass to meet collective goals.

In social organisations and the public sector, we need to nurture leaders from all ethnicities, religions and backgrounds. The domain of public service, especially our educational institutions, need to embody Malaysians of all races, religions, localities and political leanings without prejudice, because it must be representative of the true diversity of our society. These leaders will play a big role in nation building as we move forward.

It is the same with our political parties. Seniors in political organisations may have their own partisanships and prejudices, but unconstructive elements should not be allowed to trickle down to the young at the ground level. Young leaders should be provided passage to chart their own ways - without the boundaries of the past, without archaic issues of ethnic, religious, geographical or political division.

While we identify young talents and mentor them with the wisdom of our past and present, they should not inherit our problems into the future. Let us provide our young talents fresh passage to create new politics and new ways, to connect our past and present and build the bridges to a better future.

At zubedy, our programs draw strength from shared values and traditions. We believe that at heart, all Malaysians want good things for themselves and for their brother and sister Malaysians, simply because our nation cannot prosper as a whole if some of us are left behind.

Let us add value,
Have A Meaningful Vaisakhi