KERJA PERINGKAT LEBIH TINGGI KEPEMIMPINAN & PENGURUSAN - Sinar Harian Hari Ini

 

KERJA PERINGKAT LEBIH TINGGI KEPEMIMPINAN & PENGURUSAN

Kepada para Kapten,

Kebanyakan perkara yang kita pelajari mengenai kepemimpinan dan pengurusan bertumpu kepada kemahiran praktikal: menetapkan matlamat, menurunkan kuasa (delegasi), membangunkan pasukan, memberi maklum balas dan mengendalikan perbualan sukar.

Semua ini penting. Setiap pemimpin-pengurus memerlukannya.

Namun, semakin tinggi kedudukan kita, semakin kurang mencukupi kemahiran ini. Seorang ketua pegawai eksekutif, ketua unit atau pemimpin-pengurus institusi awam mesti bekerja melangkaui tugas atau teknik tertentu. Kita bertanggungjawab terhadap hala tuju, prestasi dan kesejahteraan keseluruhan organisasi.

Inilah kerja peringkat lebih tinggi seorang pemimpin-pengurus, merangkumi lima tanggungjawab utama.

1. BERTERUS TERANG MENGENAI REALITI

Tanggungjawab pertama ialah bersikap jujur terhadap realiti. Kita mesti mentakrifkan dengan jelas apa yang benar dan tidak benar, tanpa membiarkan rasa suka, benci atau ikatan emosi memesongkan pandangan.

Semakin tinggi kedudukan kita, semakin kerap realiti sampai melalui laporan, mesyuarat dan individu yang mungkin menapis maklumat. Kita mungkin menerima banyak data tetapi masih tersalah faham tentang keadaan sebenar.

Kita mesti membezakan aktiviti daripada hasil, gejala daripada punca, serta gangguan sementara daripada pola mendalam. Kita perlu peka terhadap apa yang diperkatakan, tidak diperkatakan atau ditakuti untuk diluahkan.

Kita juga mesti melihat ke luar. Perubahan pelanggan, teknologi, demografi, peraturan dan sentimen awam mungkin membentuk semula masa depan sebelum muncul dalam penyata kewangan.

Tanyakan: Apakah sebenarnya berlaku? Apa yang berubah? Andaian manakah masih kita pegang? Apa yang gagal kita lihat? Di manakah risiko dan peluang? Apa yang perlu dikekalkan, ditinggalkan atau diubah?

Pemimpin-pengurus tidak mampu bertindak bijaksana tanpa terlebih dahulu jujur terhadap realiti.

2. BERTINDAK SAMBIL MENELITI SITUASI

Pemimpin-pengurus tidak beroperasi dari jauh. Kita mesti mengambil bahagian dalam sesuatu peristiwa sambil memerhati apa yang disingkapnya.

Ketika mempengerusikan mesyuarat, misalnya, kita perlu mengenal pasti siapa yang terlibat, siapa yang menarik diri dalam diam, di mana tentangan berkembang dan sama ada persetujuan itu ikhlas atau sekadar berbudi bahasa. Kita juga mesti memahami emosi, hubungan dan kepentingan yang mempengaruhi perbincangan.

Kita perlu berada dalam gelanggang tindakan sambil mampu melihat keseluruhan situasi dari luar.

Setiap tindakan menghasilkan maklumat baharu. Kejayaan mungkin membuka peluang, kegagalan mendedahkan andaian yang salah. Manusia dan keadaan juga boleh berubah.

Perancangan mesti menjadi panduan, bukan belenggu. Kita memerlukan titik semakan untuk membandingkan hasil dengan jangkaan, menguji andaian dan membuat penyesuaian.

Pemimpin-pengurus wajar mendengar dahulu dan bercakap kemudian. Jika orang paling kanan bersuara terlalu awal, orang lain mungkin menyesuaikan pandangan mengikut pendiriannya. Maklumat penting akhirnya tidak sampai ke meja perbincangan.

Bertindak sambil terus membaca situasi dan menyesuaikan pendekatan ialah kepemimpinan dan pengurusan yang dinamik.

3. MENGURUS HARI INI DAN MEMBINA HARI ESOK

Setiap organisasi hidup dalam dua ufuk masa.

Kita mesti mencapai prestasi hari ini. Pelanggan dilayani, komitmen dipenuhi, piawaian dikekalkan, pekerja disokong dan masalah diselesaikan. Tanpa prestasi semasa, mungkin tiada organisasi untuk mewarisi masa depan.

Kita juga mesti menyediakan hari esok dengan membangunkan insan, memperbaharui keupayaan, meneroka peluang dan menghadapi perubahan yang mungkin menjadikan amalan berjaya hari ini tidak lagi relevan.

Cabarannya bukan memilih antara kedua-duanya, tetapi mengurus kedua-duanya serentak.

Sesetengah pemimpin-pengurus memerah tenaga pekerja, menangguhkan pelaburan dan mengabaikan pelan penggantian demi prestasi semasa. Mereka menjadikan hari ini kelihatan cemerlang dengan “berhutang” daripada masa depan.

Sebaliknya, ada yang sibuk bercakap tentang transformasi sehingga prestasi semasa merosot. Kita tidak mampu membina hari esok jika berulang kali gagal hari ini.

Kita mesti meningkatkan produktiviti sambil membangunkan insan, menggunakan kekuatan sedia ada sambil membina yang baharu, serta melindungi perkara bernilai sambil mengubah apa yang tidak lagi berkesan.

Mengurus hari ini memelihara prestasi. Membina hari esok memelihara relevansi.

4. MENGGERAKKAN KESELURUHAN SISTEM

Ilmu dan niat baik hanya berguna apabila diterjemahkan kepada tindakan yang diselaraskan.

Pada peringkat kanan, usaha peribadi tidak mencukupi. Kita mesti menyelaraskan manusia, keutamaan, struktur, maklumat dan sumber supaya seluruh organisasi bergerak ke arah yang dihasratkan.

Pengumuman bukan pelaksanaan. Begitu juga pelan strategik atau keputusan dalam minit mesyuarat.

Keputusan boleh dilaksanakan apabila semua pihak tahu apa yang perlu dilakukan, siapa bertanggungjawab, tarikh akhir serta siapa perlu dirujuk atau dimaklumkan. Tanpa kejelasan, keputusan bernas boleh terbenam dalam penangguhan dan kekeliruan.

Komunikasi bukan tambahan selepas keputusan dibuat. Ia sebahagian daripada menjayakan keputusan.

Mesyuarat mesti menjadi mekanisme kerja, bukan ritual. Setiap mesyuarat memerlukan tujuan jelas, orang yang sesuai dan hasil nyata, diakhiri dengan tanggungjawab, tarikh akhir serta tindakan susulan.

Menggerakkan sistem juga bermaksud menempatkan individu berkebolehan di tempat mereka mampu mencipta nilai terbesar, termasuk peluang utama.

Ujian sebenar bukan betapa kuat pemimpin-pengurus bekerja, tetapi sama ada seluruh organisasi memahami hala tuju, menerima tanggungjawab dan bertindak tanpa sentiasa menunggu arahannya.

Pemimpin-pengurus berwibawa bukan sekadar menggerakkan orang. Mereka membina organisasi yang mampu bergerak sendiri.

5. MELAKSANAKAN PERTIMBANGAN

Akhir sekali, pertimbangan.

Membuat keputusan ialah sebahagian daripada pertimbangan, tetapi kedua-duanya berbeza. Keputusan ialah pilihan yang dibuat. Pertimbangan ialah keupayaan menentukan apa yang patut dipilih, mengapa, bila perlu bertindak dan akibat yang sanggup dan boleh diterima.

Pemimpin-pengurus kanan jarang memilih antara sesuatu yang jelas benar atau salah. Lazimnya, kita berdepan keutamaan yang bersaing, risiko dan pilihan yang tidak sempurna.

Kita mesti menilai apa yang paling penting, boleh ditangguhkan, perlu diubah atau dipelihara. Kita mesti mengimbangi prestasi semasa dengan keupayaan masa depan, kepantasan dengan perbincangan, serta kepentingan organisasi dengan keperluan pihak berkepentingan.

Kita juga mesti tahu bila perlu mengarah, memujuk, berunding, menyokong atau berundur, serta apa yang patut diamanahkan kepada orang lain. Paling penting, bukan sekadar bertanya sama ada tindakan itu sah atau menguntungkan, tetapi sama ada ia benar untuk organisasi.

Pertimbangan baik memerlukan kerendahan hati untuk menyemak keputusan. Apabila sesuatu gagal, adakah masalahnya pada pelaksanaan atau pertimbangan asal kita?

Tanyakan: Apa yang perlu dilakukan? Apa yang benar untuk organisasi? Apakah kemungkinan akibatnya? Masalah apa yang diselesaikan, dan masalah baharu apa yang mungkin timbul?

Pertimbangan diletakkan terakhir kerana merangkumi semua tanggungjawab sebelumnya: memahami realiti, membaca situasi ketika bertindak, mengimbangi hari ini dan esok, serta menggerakkan keseluruhan sistem.

KERJA DI SEBALIK KERJA

Kepada para Kapten, kerja peringkat lebih tinggi ini merangkumi:

Jujur terhadap Realiti. Bertindak Sambil Meneliti. Mengurus Hari Ini dan Membina Hari Esok. Menggerakkan Keseluruhan Sistem. Melaksanakan Pertimbangan.

Ini bukan langkah berasingan. Kita bergerak berterusan antaranya. Kejujuran terhadap realiti membentuk pertimbangan. Tindakan menyingkap realiti baharu. Prestasi hari ini membina keupayaan esok. Pertimbangan menggerakkan sistem, sementara respons sistem membekalkan maklumat baharu.

Menetapkan matlamat, delegasi, bimbingan, maklum balas dan perbualan sukar tetap penting. Namun, semuanya ialah alat. Kerja peringkat lebih tinggi menentukan bagaimana, bila dan mengapa alat tersebut digunakan.

Semakin tinggi kedudukan kita, semakin jujur kita mesti menghadapi realiti, semakin jauh masa depan yang perlu dipertimbangkan, semakin besar sistem yang mesti digerakkan dan semakin besar kesan pertimbangan kita.

Artikel sebelum ini di Sinar Harian “EMPAT CABARAN KEPIMPINAN YANG TIDAK BOLEH DIABAIKAN"

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SURAT TERBUKA KEPADA PEMIMPIN-PEMIMPIN PARTI POLITIK - Sinar Harian 27/10/2026

 

SURAT TERBUKA KEPADA PEMIMPIN-PEMIMPIN PARTI POLITIK

Salam Sejahtera,

Per: MENGAPA WAWASAN 2057 - MALAYSIA100 PERLU MENJADI SEBAHAGIAN DARIPADA MANIFESTO PRU16 ANDA

Malaysia akan menyambut ulang tahun kemerdekaannya yang ke-100 pada 2057.

Dalam merangka hala tuju negara untuk 30 tahun akan datang, satu prinsip asas harus memandu kita: libatkan seramai mungkin rakyat Malaysia dalam membina Wawasan 2057 - Malaysia100.

Wawasan ini tidak seharusnya dibentuk oleh segelintir pihak lalu dihidangkan kepada rakyat. Sebaliknya, rakyat sendiri perlu menjadi sebahagian daripada proses membayangkan, membahaskan dan membentuk masa depan negara. Kita perlu mendemokrasikan proses ini, dan semoga idea terbaik menjadi pemenang!

Kita perlu mendengar masyarakat Melayu, Cina, India dan kaum-kaum lain. Suara majoriti harus diraikan, begitu juga minoriti terkecil, termasuk saudara kita berbangsa Kelabit di Bario yang kehidupannya mungkin jauh berbeza daripada mereka di ibu kota. Suara Semenanjung, Sabah dan Sarawak, dari bandar besar, bandar kecil hingga perkampungan, semuanya penting.

Kita perlu mendengar penganut Islam, Buddha, Kristian, Hindu, Sikh dan kepercayaan lain. Semua generasi, daripada mereka yang menyaksikan awal kemerdekaan hingga anak muda yang bakal menjadi warga emas apabila Malaysia berusia 100 tahun.

Kita perlu mendengar peniaga dan pekerja, guru dan penuntut, golongan terpelajar dan profesional, petani dan nelayan, usahawan serta NGO. Jangan dilupakan kelompok yang sering terlepas pandang, termasuk OKU. Bagaimanakah rupa Malaysia 2057 di mata seorang yang buta atau mempunyai kekangan fizikal? Negara bagaimana yang mereka mahu kita bina bersama?

Kita juga memerlukan pelbagai kepakaran dan pengalaman hidup kerana tiada individu, pertubuhan, kerjaya, kaum atau parti politik memonopoli semua jawapan.

Lebih ramai kita bawa ke meja perbincangan, lebih kaya takungan idea. Sudah tentu ada idea yang akan disanggah atau terkandas dalam perdebatan. Ada pula yang menjadi lebih bernas setelah dicabar. Kadangkala, ilham luar biasa muncul dari arah tidak disangka dan mengubah cara kita melihat masa depan Malaysia.

Matlamatnya ialah wacana nasional seluas mungkin, tempat pelbagai pemikiran berentap dan matang untuk merumuskan Malaysia yang kita impikan pada 2057. Wawasan 2057 bukan milik kelompok eksklusif. Ia milik kita semua.

SATU JEMPUTAN KHUSUS KEPADA PARTI-PARTI POLITIK

Mengapa bermula dengan parti politik?

Menjelang PRU16, saya ingin mengajak parti-parti politik dan barisan kepimpinannya menyertai wacana ini secara khusus.

Parti politik memainkan peranan besar dalam kehidupan bernegara. Anda bukan sahaja membentuk kerajaan dan dasar awam, malah mencorakkan rentak dan budaya politik negara. Anda menghimpunkan rakyat di bawah idea, mengetengahkan isu, merangka manifesto, membahaskan hala tuju negara dan melahirkan pelapis kepimpinan. Paling penting, anda memohon mandat rakyat untuk memimpin.

Justeru, sudikah anda menjadikan Wawasan 2057 - Malaysia100 sebahagian daripada manifesto PRU16 dan membawanya ke pentas perbincangan umum?

Manifesto lazimnya menawarkan rancangan lima tahun. Namun PRU16 perlu melihat lebih jauh. Kerajaan selepas PRU16 akan mentadbir pada fasa awal perjalanan menuju usia 100 tahun. Tiada satu kerajaan boleh menentukan rupa akhir Malaysia 2057 sendirian kerana banyak pentadbiran dan pilihan raya akan menyusul. Namun kerajaan pasca-PRU16 mempunyai peluang dan tanggungjawab untuk meletakkan asas yang kukuh bagi perjalanan 30 tahun itu.

Maka setiap parti perlu menjawab persoalan besar:

Apakah asas yang akan anda letakkan dalam lima tahun pertama pentadbiran agar Malaysia mempunyai peluang terbaik menjadi sebuah negara agung menjelang 2057?

TIGA SOALAN ASAS

1. Di manakah kedudukan kita hari ini?
Ini menuntut kejujuran. Apakah pencapaian terbaik kita selepas hampir tujuh dekad merdeka? Apa yang perlu dipertahankan, diperkasakan, disingkirkan atau diperbetulkan?

2. Di manakah kita mahu berada pada 2057?
Ini menuntut imaginasi. Bagaimanakah rupa dan jiwa Malaysia yang mahu kita wariskan apabila negara berusia seabad?

3. Apakah yang perlu kita lakukan untuk sampai ke sana?
Ini menuntut tindakan. Apakah yang perlu dimulakan atau dihentikan sekarang? Apakah asas yang mesti dibina hari ini walaupun hasilnya hanya dinikmati beberapa dekad kemudian?

 

MENGGUNAKAN KERANGKA PESTEL SEBAGAI PANDUAN

Untuk menstrukturkan matlamat menuju 2057, kita boleh menggunakan PESTEL:

P - POLITIK: Bagaimanakah kita membina ekosistem politik yang mengangkat pemimpin berwibawa, berintegriti dan berkesan?

E - EKONOMI: Bagaimanakah kita membina model ekonomi yang mengagihkan kemakmuran secara adil, merapatkan jurang kaya-miskin tanpa bergantung kepada rasuah, kabel atau naungan politik?

S - SOSIAL: Bagaimanakah kita memperkasa pendidikan dan sistem sosial yang menjamin mobiliti golongan berpendapatan rendah sambil membina masyarakat berteraskan Perlembagaan Persekutuan, dengan setiap kaum, agama dan budaya dihormati, disayangi dan dihargai?

T - TEKNOLOGI: Bagaimanakah kita menjadi negara maju dan berinovasi tinggi sambil memastikan teknologi memuliakan insan, melindungi maruah dan mengeratkan hubungan sesama manusia?

E - ALAM SEKITAR (Environment): Bagaimanakah kita memodenkan negara tanpa merosakkan alam, mengimbangi pembangunan dengan kelestarian serta mewujudkan persekitaran aman, selamat dan harmoni untuk rakyat terus maju?

L – PERUNDANGAN(Legal): Bagaimanakah kita memastikan kedaulatan undang-undang menjunjung keadilan mengatasi pihak berkuasa dan melindungi semua, sambil berani menilai sama ada kerangka undang-undang dan institusi hari ini masih relevan untuk 2057, serta apa yang perlu dikekalkan, diubah atau diinovasi?

MARILAH KITA MULAKAN LANGKAH INI

Ketika anda menyusun strategi menghadapi PRU16, masukkan Wawasan 2057 ke dalam nadi manifesto parti anda.

Beritahu rakyat kedudukan sebenar negara hari ini, Malaysia bagaimana yang anda bayangkan pada ulang tahun ke-100, dan apakah yang parti anda tawarkan dalam lima tahun pertama untuk membawa kita ke sana.

Luaskan juga pendengaran melangkaui penyokong tegar. Dengarlah suara pelbagai wilayah, bangsa, agama dan generasi. Idea yang baik tidak hilang nilainya kerana siapa yang menyuarakannya.

Bantu kami mencetuskan wacana nasional yang besar ini tentang bagaimana kita mahu membentuk semula tanah air tercinta. Jadikan PRU16 bukan sekadar pilihan tentang lima tahun akan datang, tetapi permulaan perbincangan tentang 30 tahun menuju MALAYSIA100.

Sekian, terima kasih dan salam sejahtera,

Anas Zubedy
Kuala Lumpur
October 2 2026

TUJU – WHERE REBADGING DOES NOT WORK

TUJU – WHERE REBADGING DOES NOT WORK

TuJu may be a Malaysian app, but we must ask: how deep does its technological autonomy truly go?

If its underlying infrastructure, mapping frameworks, or cloud ecosystems still lean heavily on foreign tech giants, changing the brand does not automatically equal true technological independence.

Rebadging may make sense in industries like automobiles, where we can start with someone else's technology while gradually learning to build our own. But with AI, digital platforms, and navigation apps, the situation is different.

If the foundational technology and data architecture remain tied to foreign providers, a local label alone does not give us digital sovereignty.

If we are serious about protecting our data and securing our digital future, we must be prepared to build our own capabilities from the ground up. This requires hard work, creativity, talent, time, and resources.

There are no shortcuts to genuine technological independence. We must be willing to do the hard work, not merely take the easy way out.

Peace,

Anas Zubedy

MELAKA ELECTION – PAS OR WAWASAN’S LOGO?

 

MELAKA ELECTION – PAS OR WAWASAN’S LOGO?

With Perikatan Nasional (PN) deregistered, the immediate assumption is that PAS would be the natural choice of logo for the coming Melaka election. I suggest otherwise.

Looking at this from a political strategy and marketing perspective, I think there are several interesting reasons why Wawasan deserves consideration.

1. An opportunity to launch Wawasan

Wawasan is a relatively new party. Like any new brand, it needs exposure, promotion and opportunities to establish itself. The Melaka election provides an excellent platform to introduce Wawasan to more Malaysians, especially with GE16 approaching.

In marketing, we know that building a brand takes time. You cannot expect people to recognise and trust a brand if you never give it sufficient exposure. The question is whether the Melaka election could serve as an opportunity to launch and strengthen Wawasan's political identity ahead of GE16.

2. Building complementary brands within PN

PAS and Wawasan are two important components of PN. They need not appeal to exactly the same groups of voters. PAS already has a strong and loyal support base. However, it continues to face challenges attracting non-Malay and non-Muslim voters, as well as voters in Sabah and Sarawak.

Wawasan could position itself differently, with a broader Malaysian identity that appeals to those who may not naturally identify with PAS. This is where the idea of co-branding becomes relevant. Different brands can cater to different markets while contributing to the strength of the overall organisation. The idea is not to replace PAS, but to recognise how both parties could complement each other in reaching a wider cross-section of Malaysians.

3. Breaking the BN–PAS mould

Interestingly, the current political discussions surrounding Melaka have largely centred on BN working with PAS, rather than BN working with PN. Zahid Hamidi's discussions and the reported negotiations between UMNO and PAS have reinforced this perception.

Using Wawasan would introduce a different political narrative. Instead of the familiar BN–PAS arrangement, it would bring another PN component into the picture. This could change how the political cooperation is perceived, from an arrangement involving two established parties to one involving a broader coalition of political interests.

4. Throwing in an unexpected move

Using PAS would be the obvious and predictable choice. Using Wawasan, however, would be unexpected. It could create curiosity, generate discussion and bring attention to a party that many Malaysians may not yet know very much about.

Sometimes, in politics as in business, an unexpected move can change the conversation. The use of Wawasan would certainly introduce a different dimension to the Melaka election and provide the party with an opportunity to establish its identity in the public mind.

5. Reaching beyond existing supporters

PAS supporters are generally loyal and well-established. But the larger challenge for any political coalition is not merely retaining existing supporters. It is also about attracting people who are currently outside its political reach.

This is where having complementary political brands becomes interesting. Rather than expecting one party to appeal to everyone, different parties within a coalition can connect with different groups of Malaysians. After all, the purpose of a coalition is to bring together different strengths, not simply duplicate what each party already offers.

THE BIGGER QUESTION

With GE16 approaching, should the Melaka election be viewed merely as an immediate political contest, or also as an opportunity to establish Wawasan as another recognisable political force?

Of course, a logo alone will not win public confidence. Leadership, policies and credibility matter. But from a strategic perspective, there is a difference between choosing what is familiar today and investing in what could become valuable tomorrow.

Using PAS is the obvious choice. Using Wawasan would certainly be the more unexpected one.

And sometimes, the unexpected option is worth examining.

Peace,

Anas Zubedy

WE ARE HIRING! - Business Executive – Executive Mentoring & Coaching

 

WE ARE HIRING!

Business Executive – Executive Mentoring & Coaching

Zubedy Mentoring and Coaching (ZMC) provides personalised executive mentoring and coaching to CEOs, COOs, C-suite executives, senior managers, and high-potential talents preparing for greater leadership responsibilities.

We are looking for a career-oriented, ambitious, intellectually curious, and motivated individual who wants to build a foundation in consultancy, business advisory, and leadership development. This is a full-time position at our office at Damansara, Kuala Lumpur.

The ideal candidate enjoys engaging with bright, talented, and accomplished individuals, thrives in an intellectually stimulating and challenging environment, and is excited by new ideas and meaningful conversations. You should be a quick learner, communicate with confidence, take initiative, and take deep pride in delivering quality work.

YOUR ROLE

You will work closely with our Managing Director and Senior Mentors and Coaches to support both the strategic development and day-to-day operations of ZMC.

Your key responsibilities include:

·        Providing proactive business and operational support to leadership, anticipating needs, and clearing operational hurdles so they can focus on delivering exceptional client value.

·        Assisting in developing and growing the ZMC business, including researching market trends, identifying opportunities, and preparing strategic papers, proposals, presentations, reports, and surveys.

·        Coordinating executive mentoring and coaching engagements, ensuring top-tier client servicing and a seamless, professional experience from end to end.

·        Managing day-to-day business operations, including administration, client communications, scheduling, documentation, and rigorous follow-ups.

WHO WE ARE LOOKING FOR

We welcome applications from capable fresh graduates as well as individuals with 1–3 years of working experience.

You should possess:

·        A minimum of a bachelor’s degree in a relevant discipline. Candidates with degrees in other disciplines who possess strong analytical, communication, and organisational skills are also encouraged to apply.

·        A sharp, inquisitive, and analytical mind, with the ability to quickly grasp concepts, connect ideas, and understand how our services address complex business and leadership needs.

·        Strong written and verbal English communication skills, with the poise and professionalism to engage individuals at all organizational levels.

·        Excellent organizational and execution skills, characterized by high attention to detail, resourcefulness, initiative, and the ability to work independently.

·        Strong research, writing, and digital literacy, including advanced proficiency in Microsoft Office and the ability to leverage AI tools effectively.

·        A professional, personable manner underpinned by strong interpersonal skills, sound judgment, absolute integrity, and strict confidentiality.

·        A valid driving licence, the ability to drive, access to a vehicle, and willingness to travel and work outside regular office hours (including occasional weekends) when required.

Experience in client servicing, business administration, professional services, consultancy, training coordination, or executive support will be an added advantage.

WHY JOIN US?

This is much more than a conventional administrative support position.

·        Proximity to Leadership: Work side-by-side with experienced executive mentors and coaches, gaining direct exposure to senior business leaders.

·        Accelerated Learning: Deepen your understanding of business strategy, organizational psychology, leadership dynamics, and high-stakes client management.

·        Real Ownership: Play a direct role in building and scaling a specialized executive mentoring and coaching practice.

For the right individual, this position offers high-value learning, meaningful responsibilities, and a genuine pathway to grow into a broader business management role as ZMC expands.

REMUNERATION

·        Basic Salary: RM3,000 – RM5,000 per month, commensurate with qualifications, capabilities, and experience.

·        Performance-Based Incentives: For individuals who consistently deliver results and drive business growth, potential incentives can be substantial and may exceed the basic salary.

This opportunity is built for ambitious, career-driven individuals who want more than a standard 9-to-5 job - those who are eager to learn, accelerate their growth, and go the extra mile.

HOW TO APPLY

Please email your CV along with a short introduction explaining why you are suited for this role to HR@zubedy.com.

Email subject: Application: Business Executive – ZMC – [Your Full Name]

For enquiries: Zubedy HR – 03-7733 6919

 

IS TRUMP BEHAVING LIKE A THREE-YEAR-OLD?

 

IS TRUMP BEHAVING LIKE A THREE-YEAR-OLD?

Donald Trump's reaction to not getting the Nobel Peace Prize kinda reminds me of how children aged two to four behave when they don't get what they want.

At this age, kids are still learning how to handle disappointment and frustration. When they really want something and don't get it, they may get angry, throw tantrums, blame others, complain that things are unfair, or take out their frustration on someone else.

Psychologists often link this kind of behaviour to low frustration tolerance and difficulty managing emotions.

Now, look at Trump.

He keeps saying he deserves the Nobel Peace Prize. The irony is that what he did in Venezuela, and his decision to join Israel in launching an illegal war against Iran, should already raise serious questions about his claim to deserve a peace prize in the first place.

And when he doesn't get it, he gets upset, attacks the decision, blames Norway, and goes after its leaders, even though the Norwegian government doesn't decide who wins the prize.

So, is Trump behaving like a three-year-old?

Peace,
anas zubedy

P.S. - I feel for you, AMERICA.

PROFESSOR TAJUDDIN’S MENTAL TRAP

 

PROFESSOR TAJUDDIN’S MENTAL TRAP

One of Malaysia's biggest problems is that we remain trapped in a racial mental model. Professor Tajuddin Rasdi appears to be one example. In his recent article, “A theory on why Malays accept corrupt leaders,” he seems to have fallen into this very trap.

We have become so accustomed to viewing everything through race that even universal human issues such as corruption, integrity, honesty, and accountability are interpreted along ethnic lines.

Instead of asking why people tolerate corruption, he asks why Malays tolerate corruption, as though corruption were a uniquely Malay issue. Rather than examining the political, economic, institutional, and psychological reasons people support leaders accused or convicted of corruption, he frames it as a characteristic of one ethnic community.

Professor Tajuddin cites continued support for Datuk Seri Najib Razak and Umno as evidence. But has he forgotten that Chinese, Indian, Sabahan, Sarawakian, and other Malaysians also include people who remember Najib's administration favourably? Some believe, rightly or wrongly, that the economy was better and life more comfortable during his premiership.

And lest he forget, following GE15 in 2022, DAP, a party with a predominantly Chinese support base, agreed to work alongside Umno in the Madani government, an arrangement that continues today. Does that mean DAP and its supporters also tolerate corruption? Or does it demonstrate that political behaviour is more complex than Professor Tajuddin's racial explanation suggests?

This is the danger of the racial mental model. We become selective in what we see and fail to recognise similar behaviours across communities. Extreme bias can make even intelligent people think superficially.

Surely, we should expect greater intellectual rigour from a professor.

Where Is the Economic Evidence?

Take his first argument, taxation. He suggests Malays tolerate corruption because many pay little or no income tax.

But where is the evidence? Does he have official figures showing income tax contributions by ethnicity? I am unaware of any government report providing such a breakdown.

More importantly, has he considered how government revenue works?

Personal income tax is only one source. What about SST, excise duties, corporate taxes, and other taxes borne directly or indirectly by Malaysians?

Given that Malays constitute the largest ethnic community, has he calculated their aggregate contribution through consumption, purchases, and other economic transactions, including taxes passed on to consumers?

Even if Malays, on average, pay less personal income tax because of lower average incomes, how does that establish that they are less concerned about corruption? Are lower-income Malaysians somehow less affected when public money is stolen or misused?

These are basic economic and logical questions that should be addressed before advancing such a theory. An academic argument should rest on evidence, not coffee-shop assumptions dressed up as intellectual analysis.

What Happened During GE15?

Lest Professor Tajuddin forget, corruption and integrity were prominent issues during Malaysia's 15th General Election in 2022.

Both Pakatan Harapan and Perikatan Nasional presented themselves as alternatives to the corruption controversies surrounding Barisan Nasional.

A substantial number of Malay voters rejected Barisan Nasional. Electoral researcher Bridget Welsh estimated that Perikatan Nasional secured the majority -approximately 54% of the Malay vote in Peninsular Malaysia - while others supported Pakatan Harapan and other parties.

While corruption was not the only consideration, economic concerns, religion, political identity, and leadership also influenced voting behaviour.

Nevertheless, GE15 demonstrated that Malay voters were neither politically uniform nor automatically loyal to Umno. Many were prepared to abandon a party they had supported for generations in an election where corruption featured prominently.

How then can we so casually conclude that Malays accept corruption?

What About Islamic Education and Friday Sermons?

Professor Tajuddin also claims that Islamic education largely avoids corruption and that, despite reviewing thousands of Friday sermons, he found none explaining how public money finances government salaries and development.

Perhaps he is unaware of what was happening in mosques across Malaysia in the months leading up to GE15. My work takes me to different states, including Penang, Kedah, Melaka, Negeri Sembilan, Johor, and Selangor/Kuala Lumpur. I regularly attend Friday prayers wherever I happen to be.

During those months, I personally heard repeated sermons strongly condemning rasuah, explaining why corruption is wrong, and reminding Muslims of their responsibility to reject it. Friends attending prayers elsewhere shared similar experiences.

These were not isolated occasions. The message was repeated over many Fridays and across different states. There appeared to be a concerted effort by religious authorities nationwide to make corruption a major moral concern before the election.

There are documented examples:

• On 7 January 2022, a Friday sermon in Selangor addressed corruption. The following day, Sultan Sharafuddin Idris Shah publicly reinforced its message, describing corruption as a grave danger that must be eradicated.
• In September 2022, Sultan Nazrin Shah of Perak delivered a major address condemning corruption at the launch of Korupsi dan Kemunafikan dalam Politik Melayu.
• On 11 November, mosques across the Federal Territories delivered a sermon titled Integriti Teras Kesejahteraan Keluarga dan Masyarakat.
• Most strikingly, on 18 November 2022, just one day before GE15, the official Friday sermon in Perak explicitly urged Muslims to reject candidates associated with corruption and refuse monetary inducements intended to influence their votes. It even explained that ballot papers were financed by taxpayers' money.

These were direct messages connecting Islamic moral responsibilities with corruption, public funds, leadership, and electoral choices.

Of course, not every Friday sermon addressed corruption, nor does this establish that all religious institutions were equally effective. But surely these examples raise serious questions about Professor Tajuddin's sweeping portrayal of Islamic education.

To Fight Corruption, Let Us First Rise Above Race

If we are serious about fighting corruption, perhaps the first thing we must do is free ourselves from the racial mental model.

Corruption is not a Malay, Chinese, Indian, Sabahan, or Sarawakian problem. It is a Malaysian problem and, more importantly, a universal human problem.

Personally, I believe GE15 was a significant moment in our political history. For perhaps the first time in a very long time, I saw Malaysians across racial and religious backgrounds rallying around a common concern: corruption.

Many went to the ballot box determined to demand greater integrity from their leaders. Although race, religion, and other considerations remained influential, corruption had become a major national agenda cutting across communities.

For me, that was among the most encouraging aspects of GE15. It showed that Malaysians could recognise a common enemy beyond their differences.

We should build on that spirit, not retreat into the old racial mental model.

If Professor Tajuddin is serious about fighting corruption, perhaps he should begin by examining his own assumptions and biases rather than framing corruption as a problem peculiar to Malays. This applies equally to how we discuss economics, politics, education, and other social issues.

We all have biases. The challenge is to recognise them, question them, and prevent them from distorting our judgement. When we become overly attached to a race, religion, or political party, we risk seeing only what confirms our beliefs while ignoring evidence that challenges them.

Even intelligent and highly educated people can fall into this trap.

Malaysia will make greater progress against corruption when we stop asking which race tolerates it and start asking why anyone tolerates it.

That is the mental shift we need. And it must begin with ourselves.

“O you who believe! Stand firmly for Allah as witnesses in justice, and do not let the hatred of a people prevent you from being just. Be just; that is nearer to righteousness.”  -  Quran 5:8

Peace,

Anas Zubedy

Kuala Lumpur