HAVE A MEANINGFUL KAAMATAN

 

MANY LAMPS, ONE LIGHT*: BUDDHISM

 

MANY LAMPS, ONE LIGHT*: BUDDHISM

Introduction

Buddhism is one of the world’s oldest spiritual traditions. At its heart, Buddhism teaches compassion, mindfulness, wisdom, and the importance of reducing suffering for ourselves and others.

In Malaysia, Buddhism is practised by many communities, especially among Chinese, Thai, Sinhalese, Burmese, and some indigenous groups. Buddhist temples, monks, meditation halls, and acts of quiet kindness have long been part of the Malaysian landscape.

Many Malaysians may recognise Buddhism through Wesak celebrations, monks in saffron robes, or the peaceful atmosphere of temples. But beyond these outward expressions lies a deep tradition that encourages self-discipline, compassion, inner peace, and harmony with others.

An important text in Buddhism is the Dhammapada, a collection of sayings and teachings attributed to the Buddha. Simple yet profound, the Dhammapada speaks about wisdom, anger, peace, discipline, compassion, and the human mind. Many Buddhists regard it as one of the clearest introductions to Buddhist thought and ethical living.

Brief History

Buddhism began more than 2,500 years ago in ancient India.

·        The Buddha: It was founded by Siddhartha Gautama, later known as the Buddha, meaning “The Awakened One.” Born as a prince, he left behind wealth and comfort after witnessing suffering in the world.

·        The Search: He spent years seeking answers about suffering, aging, sickness, and death.

·        Enlightenment: After deep meditation under the Bodhi tree, he attained enlightenment and discovered a path toward wisdom, compassion, and liberation from suffering.

·        The Teaching: For the rest of his life, the Buddha travelled and taught people from all backgrounds, regardless of caste, wealth, or status.

·        The Spread: Buddhism later spread throughout Asia, including Sri Lanka, China, Tibet, Thailand, Myanmar, Japan, and eventually Southeast Asia, including the Malay world.

Core Beliefs

Buddhism is built upon several important teachings:

·        Life contains suffering and difficulties.

·        Suffering is often caused by attachment, greed, and ignorance.

·        There is a path toward peace and liberation.

·        Compassion and kindness toward all living beings are essential.

·        Mindfulness and self-awareness help us live wisely.

·        Good actions bring positive consequences.

·        Inner peace begins with mastering oneself.

Buddhists also follow teachings such as the Four Noble Truths and the Noble Eightfold Path, which guide moral living, mental discipline, and wisdom.

Practices & Rituals

Buddhists practise their faith in many peaceful and disciplined ways:

·        Meditation: Meditation is central in Buddhism and helps develop mindfulness, calmness, and wisdom.

·        Prayer & Chanting: Buddhists chant scriptures and verses as acts of reflection and devotion.

·        Temple Visits: Buddhists visit temples to pray, reflect, offer respect, and perform acts of merit.

·        Offerings: Flowers, candles, and incense are often offered as reminders about life, gratitude, and impermanence.

·        Compassion: Many Buddhists practise generosity, kindness, and charity toward others.

·        Monastic Life: Monks and nuns dedicate themselves to spiritual discipline, study, and service.

Festivals & Celebrations

The most important Buddhist celebration is Wesak.

Wesak commemorates the birth, enlightenment, and passing of the Buddha. It is a sacred day of reflection, prayer, compassion, and good deeds. Buddhists visit temples, meditate, offer food, light candles, and participate in charitable activities.

In Malaysia, Wesak celebrations often include processions, acts of charity, blood donation drives, and community service.

Other Buddhist traditions may also celebrate special observances connected to different schools of Buddhism and local cultures.

Values We Can Learn

There is much Malaysians can learn from Buddhist traditions:

·        Remain calm during difficulties.

·        Practise compassion toward all people.

·        Learn to control anger and hatred.

·        Value simplicity and moderation.

·        Be mindful of our words and actions.

·        Seek peace instead of conflict.

·        Respect all forms of life.

·        Develop inner discipline and patience.

Cultural Expressions

Buddhist culture is rich and diverse:

·        Temples: Buddhist temples are often peaceful places filled with symbolic art and architecture.

·        Meditation: Quiet reflection and meditation are central expressions of Buddhist spirituality.

·        Art & Statues: Images of the Buddha symbolise peace, wisdom, and compassion.

·        Festive Lanterns: During Wesak, lanterns and lights symbolise wisdom overcoming ignorance.

·        Vegetarian Traditions: Many Buddhists practise vegetarianism as an expression of compassion toward living beings.

Across Asia, Buddhist traditions developed different cultural styles, but they share common values of mindfulness, compassion, and wisdom.

Misunderstandings & Clarifications

Understanding these points helps us appreciate Buddhism better:

·        Buddhism is not merely about rituals or statues; it is deeply focused on personal transformation and ethical living.

·        The Buddha is respected as an enlightened teacher, not worshipped as a creator God in many Buddhist traditions.

·        Meditation is not escaping life; it is about understanding the mind more clearly.

·        Buddhism encourages compassion, moderation, and responsibility in daily living.

Dos and Don’ts When Visiting a Temple

Visiting a Buddhist Temple:

·        Dress modestly and respectfully.

·        Remove your shoes before entering certain prayer areas.

·        Speak softly and maintain a peaceful atmosphere.

·        Do not point your feet toward monks, nuns, or Buddha statues.

·        Avoid touching sacred objects without permission.

Meeting Monks or Nuns:

·        Show respect and politeness.

·        A gentle bow or greeting is appreciated.

·        Avoid overly loud or disruptive behaviour.

During Ceremonies:

·        Observe quietly and respectfully.

·        Photography may not always be appropriate in certain prayer areas.

Buddhism in Malaysia

Buddhism has been present in the Malay world for more than a thousand years through trade, migration, and cultural exchange.

·        Today: Buddhism remains one of Malaysia’s major religious traditions and is practised by various communities across the country.

·        Contribution: Malaysian Buddhists have contributed significantly to education, healthcare, charity work, business, culture, and community service.

Many Buddhist organisations actively support welfare homes, disaster relief, educational programmes, and humanitarian causes.

Interesting Facts

·        The Buddha lived to around 80 years old, which was considered a very long life during his time when many people died much younger. Some people today note that his disciplined lifestyle included moderation in eating, regular walking, meditation, and avoiding heavy meals late in the day. In many Buddhist monastic traditions, monks do not eat after midday, reflecting a practice of restraint and mindfulness.

 

·        Interestingly, the Buddha’s original questions about suffering, aging, sickness, and death remain some of humanity’s deepest concerns even today. Modern societies continue searching for answers through medicine, psychology, philosophy, spirituality, and science. Aging, mental suffering, sickness, loneliness, and death remain central concerns of modern civilization, showing how deeply relevant the Buddha’s questions still are.

 

·        Although the Buddha was born in ancient India, Buddhism eventually spread far beyond one ethnic group or civilization. Today, Buddhists can be found across Sri Lanka, Thailand, Myanmar, China, Japan, Tibet, Korea, Vietnam, Malaysia, and many other parts of the world. Over time, the Buddha became a universal figure respected across cultures and nationalities.

·         

·        Historically, some Buddhist kingdoms also placed strong emphasis on protecting nature and animals. In Sri Lanka, for example, Buddhist rulers centuries ago introduced laws and practices that discouraged unnecessary killing of animals and encouraged respect for living creatures. Scholars believe this contributed to the island preserving remarkable biodiversity despite being densely populated for centuries.

 

·        The Buddha encouraged questioning and reflection, not blind acceptance.

Voices from the Tradition (Dhammapada)

·        “Hate is never appeased by hate in this world. By non-hate alone is hate appeased. This is an eternal law.”
(Dhammapada 5)

·        “Better than a thousand hollow words is one word that brings peace.”
(Dhammapada 100)

·        “Though one may conquer a thousand times a thousand men in battle, yet he indeed is the noblest victor who conquers himself.”
(Dhammapada 103)

·        “Victory breeds hatred. The defeated live in pain. Happily the peaceful live, giving up victory and defeat.”
(Dhammapada 201)

·        “Let us live happily, not hating those who hate us. Among those who hate, let us live free from hatred.”
(Dhammapada 197)

·        “The mind is difficult to control and restless; it runs wherever it desires. It is good to tame the mind, for a well-trained mind brings happiness.”
(Dhammapada 35)

10 Beautiful Things We Can Say About Them

1.    They teach compassion and kindness.

2.    They value peace and self-control.

3.    They encourage mindfulness and reflection.

4.    They remind us to reduce anger and hatred.

5.    They practise generosity quietly.

6.    They value simplicity and moderation.

7.    They contribute greatly to charity and welfare.

8.    They encourage respect for all living beings.

9.    They promote calmness in difficult times.

10. They remind us that inner peace matters.

Moving Forward Together

We hope that this brief look at Buddhism helps Malaysians better know, understand, and appreciate one another. When we learn about each other’s traditions and values, we strengthen mutual respect and deepen our shared humanity. And when we deepen understanding, we move closer together as one people and one nation.

Peace, anas

*Note - Beginning this Vaisakhi, we launch Many Lamps, One Light - a project dedicated to sharing the beauty of our different religious traditions. By learning about one another, we hope Malaysians will grow in understanding, appreciation, and unity as one people. This Wesak sharing is the second in the series.

 

GE16 - WHO WILL WIN P100 PANDAN?

  

I find it interesting that Tengku Zafrul has openly stated that he intends to end Rafizi Ramli’s political career in P100 Pandan.

He may in fact be correct that Rafizi could lose the seat. However, he too may not be the winner.

Imagine a three-cornered fight:

1. Pakatan Harapan fields its own official candidate, Tengku Zafrul.
2. Rafizi and his new team contest separately.
3. Perikatan Nasional enters with a strong PAS/PN-backed candidate.

Pandan is a mixed urban seat with Malay voters estimated to be around 45% to 50%. Recent election trends suggest that PN has already made major inroads among Malay voters, even in urban constituencies.

If PN can consolidate and garner up to 80% of the Malay votes, while the non-Malay and non-PN-oriented votes split between Pakatan Harapan and Rafizi’s team, then mathematically, the likely winner may actually be Perikatan Nasional.

In other words, the biggest threat to Pakatan Harapan in Pandan may not be Rafizi alone. The bigger danger may be the fragmentation of the non-PN vote. And, PN’s growing strengths and  attraction.

Politics is not only about popularity. It is also about mathematics, voter psychology, turnout, and unity.

Peace, Anas Zubedy

 

THE THIRD FORCE: INDEPENDENT MPs WITH NO EXECUTIVE AMBITIONS

 

We need to set clear criteria on what it means to be the Third Force. Let me explain.

I first mooted the idea of a Malaysian Third Force sometime in the 2000s. The objective was never to create another coalition seeking to take over Putrajaya. Rather, the idea was to cultivate a small group of truly independent Members of Parliament whose highest political ambition is simply to become an MP and remain an MP.

They would have no executive ambitions, no ministerial ambitions, no ambitions for GLC appointments, and no desire for positions or rewards from the government of the day. Their role would be singular: to function as a genuine parliamentary check and balance within an increasingly bipolar coalition system.

The reasoning behind this idea is simple. Once politicians enter coalitions with ambitions for executive power, compromises inevitably follow. To survive politically, gain positions, or remain within the inner circles of power, politicians may gradually bend principles they were never supposed to bend. This does not necessarily mean they are bad people. Many may begin as ethical, sincere, and principled individuals.

However, the structure and incentives of coalition politics slowly pressure them toward compromise after compromise. Malaysia has witnessed this clearly, particularly after 2018 and even more so after 2022, where political alignments, realignments, and survival calculations often pushed politicians and parties into positions that contradicted earlier principles, narratives, and promises.

Malaysia does not necessarily need another coalition, nor more politicians merely jostling for power under different banners. What the country may need instead is a parliamentary balancing force. In a Parliament where two major coalitions are often closely matched, even a relatively small group of disciplined and principled independent MPs can influence the direction, tone, and accountability of governance. The aim is not to replace one bloc with another, but to ensure that no bloc becomes too dominant, arrogant, or insulated from scrutiny.

In fact, such an idea may not even require 15 to 25 MPs at the beginning. Sometimes ideas begin with just two or three highly respected individuals who consistently demonstrate integrity, transparency, intellectual independence, and the courage to judge issues based on merit rather than party instructions. Over time, if such individuals earn public trust and prove that they cannot be bought, pressured, or absorbed into the machinery of patronage politics, the idea itself gradually becomes more realistic and more powerful.

Ultimately, the greatest challenge is not mathematical. It is moral credibility. Citizens must genuinely believe that these MPs exist not to accumulate power, positions, or rewards, but to protect the integrity of Parliament and the long-term interests of the nation.

WHY WE ARE RIPE FOR A THIRD FORCE?

Historically, Malaysia mirrored a dominant-party system rather than a two-coalition system. For decades, Barisan Nasional dominated politics while opposition parties existed but remained fragmented, regionalised, and considerably weaker. Politics during this period was largely characterised by one dominant governing coalition facing multiple disconnected opposition parties that struggled to present a coherent national alternative.

However, beneath the surface, the seeds of coalition bipolarity were already beginning to emerge. The late 1980s and early 1990s marked an important structural turning point in Malaysian politics. The split within United Malays National Organisation and the emergence of Semangat 46 created the conditions for opposition parties to move beyond isolated party competition and begin experimenting with coordinated coalition politics.

The 1990 General Election became one of the earliest major signs of this shift when Semangat 46 worked together with PAS under the banner of Angkatan Perpaduan Ummah (APU), while simultaneously cooperating with parties such as Democratic Action Party and Parti Rakyat Malaysia through broader opposition arrangements. The dramatic entry of Parti Bersatu Sabah into the opposition fold shortly before the election further reinforced the growing idea that Malaysian politics was slowly evolving into competition between larger political blocs rather than merely individual parties.

Although Barisan Nasional continued to dominate federally throughout the 1990s, the logic of coalition-versus-coalition politics had already taken root. The Reformasi movement of 1998 and the formation of Barisan Alternatif in 1999 strengthened this trend even further by bringing together parties from different ideological, ethnic, and religious backgrounds under a broader anti-establishment platform. By 2008, the momentum had accelerated significantly when the opposition denied Barisan Nasional its two-thirds parliamentary majority for the first time in decades.

The process eventually culminated in 2018 when Pakatan Harapan defeated Barisan Nasional federally for the first time in Malaysian history. Seen from this perspective, Malaysia’s political evolution toward a two-bloc coalition system did not suddenly begin in 2008 or 2018. Rather, it developed gradually over nearly three decades, transforming the country from a dominant-party system into what may best be described today as an electorally bipolar but structurally multipolar coalition system.

This movement toward coalition bipolarity has important consequences. During elections, Malaysian politics increasingly behaves like a two-bloc contest, where political parties and narratives become organised around competing coalitions. However, once elections are over, the system quickly reverts into a far more fluid and multipolar arrangement shaped by negotiations, realignments, factional movements, regional interests, and survival calculations. This creates an environment where both blocs continuously compete not only for power, but also for emotional dominance through ethnic, religious, and identity-based outbidding.

As long as the two major coalitions remain relatively balanced in strength, this may be precisely the right time for a genuine parliamentary balancing force to emerge. What Malaysia may need is a group of independent MPs who permanently refuse absorption into either bloc and remain committed to voting issue by issue based on principles, governance, national stability, and long-term national interests rather than coalition survival.

The larger the group, the stronger the balancing effect. A bloc of 15 to 25 disciplined and principled independent MPs could potentially prevent excessive polarization, reduce destructive ethnic and religious outbidding, and redirect parliamentary attention toward real national issues instead of emotionally charged narratives designed primarily to secure bloc loyalty during elections.

 WHO CAN BE A THIRD FORCE MP?

Be that as it may, as stated earlier, a few good men and women who are fiercely independent, ethical, and capable individuals would already be a great start. As such, let us define who these Third Force individuals are and why they deserve our attention, support, and votes. Support may come not only through voting, but also through crowdfunding, volunteerism, and public endorsement. Some may even be individuals who have already accumulated enough success and stability in life and now genuinely wish to give back to society and country.

To preserve the integrity and purpose of the Third Force, several core criteria must be clear from the very beginning.

1. They must pledge to remain fully independent
   They must publicly commit not to join any coalition, political party, or government after winning. Their highest political ambition must remain solely as an MP.
2. They must reject all executive and patronage positions
   They must refuse ministerial posts, deputy minister positions, GLC appointments, ambassadorial appointments, politically-linked advisory roles, or any position offered as a reward by the government of the day.
3. They must have a proven track record of integrity
   The country does not merely need loud personalities or politicians repackaged as independents. These individuals must already demonstrate ethical conduct, consistency, discipline, and public credibility long before entering politics.
4. They must care for all Malaysians
   While they may naturally identify with their own religion, ethnicity, or culture, they must ultimately approach issues from a broader Malaysian perspective. The Third Force cannot become another platform for ethnic or religious outbidding.
5. They must possess real competence and experience
   These individuals may come from many walks of life. They may be environmentalists, retired business leaders, doctors, lawyers, engineers, teachers, economists, academics, social workers, or professionals who have demonstrated competence and contribution to society. What matters is not popularity, but capability, wisdom, courage, and service.
6. They must vote issue by issue, not bloc by bloc
   Their loyalty must be to principles, good governance, institutional integrity, national stability, and long-term national interests rather than coalition survival or party instructions. At times they may support the government. At other times they may support the opposition. Their votes cannot be automatically purchased through positions, pressure, or political bargaining.
7. They must practise transparency and accountability
   They should openly declare funding sources, conflicts of interest, business interests, and major political contributions. Citizens must be able to trust that their independence is genuine and not quietly controlled by hidden interests.
8. They must be willing to lose power rather than lose principles
   Ultimately, the true test of a Third Force MP is whether he or she is willing to stand alone when necessary. Independence only matters when it survives pressure, temptation, fear, and political isolation.

Finally, wse the Malaysian voters must also mature politically. If Malaysians truly want a stronger parliamentary democracy, society must learn to value principled independence as much as political power. We must be willing to support individuals who may never become ministers, but who may nevertheless play a vital role in protecting the integrity, balance, and long-term stability of the nation.

Peace.

Anas Zubedy

Kual Lumpur

 

 

 

MALAYSIAN VOTERS: ARE WE THINKERS OR SUCKERS?

 

Part 2 of “The UEC: Another Vote-Baiting Issue?”

If you are reading this article right now, chances are you are among the thinkers and not the suckers. By thinkers, I mean citizens who try to think before reacting. People who ask questions. People who analyse. People who seek facts, context, consequences, and solutions before choosing sides.

By suckers, I mean those who are easily manipulated emotionally. Those who are easily deceived, easily provoked, easily mobilised into anger, fear, and hatred without taking the time to think deeply about what is really happening.

This article is a follow-up to my earlier piece titled “The UEC: Another Vote-Baiting Issue?” In that article, I argued that many sensitive issues in Malaysia are repeatedly recycled during politically important periods like the impending GE16, not necessarily because politicians sincerely want solutions, but because such issues are powerful emotional tools to influence voters.

The reality is this: many politicians are masters of political drama and distraction.

As elections draw closer, old wounds are reopened. New slogans are created. New enemies are manufactured. Society becomes emotionally overheated. One group is taught to fear another group. One community is told they are losing. Another is told they are under attack.

Language becomes fuel. Religion becomes fuel. Race becomes fuel. Schools become fuel. Pig farming becomes fuel. Identity becomes fuel. Anything can become political fuel.

The objective is simple: create an emotionally charged environment where people stop thinking clearly, because emotional voters are easier to manipulate than thinking voters.

When people become angry and emotionally consumed, they stop asking the right questions:

• What are the actual facts?
• What is the real scale of the issue?
• What is the long-term impact?
• What truly moves the nation forward?

Instead of discussing solutions, the nation becomes trapped in endless emotional theatre. The more emotionally divided society becomes, the easier it is for politicians to manipulate them.

That is why, in the earlier article, I suggested that Malaysians need a more disciplined way of thinking whenever sensitive national issues arise. We cannot afford to react emotionally every single time politicians throw new controversies into the public space.

We need a thinking framework and decision-making process that helps us remain calm, rational, reflective, and solution-oriented even when society becomes emotionally heated.

This is where the ZUBEDY DEAR method becomes handy.

• D – Define reality correctly.
• E – Envision a better future.
• A – Develop proper action plans.
• R – Reflect honestly on whether our actions and decisions are producing the right outcomes.

Based on this method, we will unpack the UEC debate.

D – DEFINE REALITY

To define reality, we must first seek the truth honestly and fairly. We must deliberately put aside emotional attachment to any particular likes, dislikes, political camps, races, or ideologies. The objective is to conduct an evenhanded analysis of the situation and call a spade a spade.

In simple terms, we must try to think like scientists instead of emotional supporters. We look carefully at both the positive and negative aspects of an issue, analyse the facts as objectively as possible, and try to understand what is really happening before reacting emotionally.

When we define reality regarding the current UEC debate, we quickly discover that both sides of the political divide are not presenting the full picture to the public.

What the Cabinet recently approved is not a blanket or full recognition of the UEC in the traditional sense. What was approved is actually a broader alternative admission pathway into selected public university programmes for students outside the national mainstream education system. This includes students from tahfiz institutions, pondok and madrasah schools, certain private schools, and also UEC students.

Even for UEC students, the pathway is neither automatic nor universal. It only applies to selected programmes under specific conditions and university requirements. In many cases, applicants are still required to meet Bahasa Melayu and Sejarah requirements. In other words, the current development is far more nuanced and limited than the political narratives being pushed by both supporters and opponents of the issue.

Furthermore, if we genuinely want to define reality properly, then we cannot discuss the UEC issue in isolation while ignoring the other groups involved in this expanded pathway system. The discussion must also include students from tahfiz institutions, pondok and madrasah schools, as well as certain private schools. Otherwise, we risk looking at the issue in a narrow, skewed, and myopic manner.

As such, while this article focuses mainly on the UEC issue, references to other education streams are also necessary to properly define reality.

By focusing only on the UEC while ignoring the broader policy shift, politicians and segments of the public can easily manufacture a highly emotional narrative that does not accurately reflect the full reality of what is actually taking place.

If we truly want to define reality properly, then the first thing we must examine is the actual quantum involved. Malaysia currently has about 60 to 63 Chinese independent schools with roughly 85,000 to 90,000 students nationwide. However, these numbers cover all schooling levels, while only about 10,000 to 12,000 students graduate yearly at the UEC senior middle level. At the same time, Malaysia also has hundreds, if not more than 1,000 registered tahfiz institutions together with pondok, madrasah, and other religious education schools involving tens of thousands of students.

More importantly, the public narrative often ignores the fact that many students from both the UEC and religious education streams already take national examinations or SPM-equivalent subjects. Recent discussions and government statements have repeatedly stressed that Bahasa Melayu and Sejarah remain compulsory requirements for entry into public universities. In fact, reports indicate that around 80% of UEC students already sit for SPM in practice, especially for Bahasa Melayu and related national subjects. Even more significantly, pass rates among UEC students for SPM-level Bahasa Melayu have reportedly exceeded 96% in recent years.

Likewise, a growing number of tahfiz and religious-stream students are also taking SPM in order to widen their educational and career pathways. Recent estimates suggest that about 79,000 tahfiz students could be affected if they do not possess SPM qualifications, which is precisely why many religious institutions are increasingly integrating the national examination system into their curriculum.

Most importantly, not all these students are even seeking entry into local public universities. Many proceed to private universities, overseas institutions, vocational routes, religious studies, business, or direct employment. This means the actual number eventually entering public universities through these pathways is only a relatively small fraction of the total student population involved.

In other words, once we look at the actual numbers instead of slogans and emotions, the issue becomes far more nuanced and limited than what political narratives often suggest.

If we focus specifically on UEC students, the numbers become far smaller than the emotional political narrative suggests. As suggested wearlier, only 10,000 to 12,000 students graduate from the UEC senior middle level annually. Of this number, education observers estimate that around 80% already sit for SPM subjects, especially Bahasa Melayu and sometimes Sejarah, to widen their educational pathways.

This leaves perhaps only about 2,000 to 2,500 students yearly who do not take SPM at all. But even from this smaller group, many continue to overseas universities, private higher education institutions, business, or other pathways outside the local public university system.

Therefore, once we narrow the numbers to students genuinely seeking entry into local public universities, and narrow it further to only the selected programmes currently opened, we may ultimately be talking about only a few hundred students annually rather than the massive national crisis being portrayed politically today.

While a few hundred students are still important because they are fellow Malaysians and citizens, we must also maintain a sense of proportion and balance in how we discuss this issue. When we calmly define reality using actual numbers and conditions rather than emotional slogans, we begin to realise how a relatively limited policy matter has been transformed into a highly charged national controversy by political actors from different sides of the divide.

This is where Malaysians must be careful not to become emotional suckers trapped in political theatre. By defining reality properly, we become more thoughtful voters and more responsible citizens. We lower the emotional temperature, reduce unnecessary fear and hostility, and place ourselves in a better position to actually solve problems rather than endlessly recycle outrage every election cycle.

This concludes Part 2 of this article series. In Part 3, we will move to the next stages of the DEAR method: Envision, Action, and Reflection. We will discuss how thinking Malaysian voters can envision a better future together, propose practical actions that move the nation forward, and build reflection mechanisms that allow us to continuously correct and improve our decisions and policies along the way.

Peace,
Anas Zubedy