Dear fellow Malaysian,
Peace.
I am writing this Open Letter because I am deeply concerned
about two trends within the electorate which may have an adverse impact upon
the future of our nation. The first is a trend associated with a segment of the
Malay electorate, both rural and urban. The second is a trend associated with a
segment of the non-Malay communities. If these two trends are enthroned through
the 13th General Election on the 5th of May, 2013, it
could be catastrophic for our people.
The Malay Electorate.
Some Malays, disillusioned with elite corruption and the
widening gap between the have-a-lot and the have-a-little, regard a
hudud-oriented Islamic State as the solution. They should ask themselves the
following questions.
One, is there any such State in the contemporary world that
serves as a model worthy of emulation? Saudi Arabia? Sudan? Afghanistan?
Two, why is it that the vast majority of Muslim states have
not opted for a hudud oriented Administration?
Three, why have the people in the world’s largest Muslim
country, namely Indonesia, rejected hudud oriented parties over and over again
in elections?
Four, why has Turkey whose ruling party has an Islamic root,
eschewed hudud and a fiqh oriented legal system in favour of a democratic,
constitutional, secular system of governance?
Five, if the mainstay of the ruling coalition in Malaysia
since 1957 was PAS and not UMNO, what would be the socio-economic situation of
the Malays today? Would poverty have been reduced from 64% to 1.7%? Would there
have been the phenomenal transformation of an entire people, sustained over two
generations, which has resulted in a significant Malay role in education, the
professions, commerce and industry, compared to what it was at the time of
Merdeka? Would the Malays have emerged as an important
component of the Malaysian middle-class which has undoubtedly helped to
stabilise ethnic relations and politics in the country and allowed democracy to
function?
One just has to look at PAS’s 22 year rule in Kelantan to
get an idea of what its version of Islam can do to a people. From its dismal
failure to provide jobs for tens of thousands of well-qualified Kelantanese to
its utter inability to curb rising drug addiction, Kelantan is Malaysia’s first
and only failed state. Malaysian voters
should have no illusions about the type of Islamic State that PAS seeks.
The Non-Malay
Electorate.
If some Malays are under an illusion about PAS’s Islam, a
lot more non-Malays, especially many middle-class Chinese and some middle-class
Indians are labouring under a huge misconception about what their vote would
deliver. They are convinced that it would be able to “eliminate ethnic
discrimination” and bring to an end alleged “Malay supremacy.” Since those who have been pedalling these
cliches, have never really explained in detail what they mean by eliminating
ethnic discrimination or Malay supremacy, non-Malays exposed to this rhetoric
have drawn different conclusions.
For many, the perception is that the Pakatan Rakyat is going
to set aside the Special Position of the Malays and the Bumiputras of Sabah and
Sarawak. This cannot be done.
The Articles in the Malaysian Constitution pertaining to places in the
public services, licences, scholarships and land reserves (like some other
Articles) cannot be amended or abrogated by Parliament even if the PR wins 100%
of the seats. Special Position is safeguarded by the Conference of Malay
Rulers.
Publicly, all three PR parties, including the DAP, have
endorsed Special Position. However, at the hustings some of the DAP and PKR
activists give the impression that it is discriminatory and is therefore unacceptable.
This is why their leaders should be honest with their members and supporters.
Tell the whole truth. Neither Special Position nor any of the other iron-clad
Articles in the Constitution pertaining to citizenship, language and the Rulers
will change one iota if PR comes to power.
Since PR cannot do anything about Special Position, what
sort of discrimination is it going to eliminate? Will it abolish the NEP? In theory, the NEP does not exist anymore. It
came to an end in 1990 though one of its twin objectives of restructuring
society in order to reduce the identification of ethnicity with economic
function continues in certain specific areas. Given the nature of this
objective, it would be wrong to view it as ethnic discrimination. Rather it is an attempt to enhance national
integration.
1Malaysia
Everything considered, the actual flaws with the NEP are
related to its implementation --- its excesses and its abuses. These should be
rectified. In the last four years, Prime Minister Mohd Najib has made a
concerted attempt to do so. Federal scholarships for students are based largely
on academic merit; there is a serious endeavour to increase the number of
Chinese and Indian public servants; and their mobility in the public services
has improved through some high profile appointments. At the same time, all
1Malaysia ventures --- from its retail trade outlets to its affordable housing
programme --- are non-ethnic. 1Malaysia in its concrete manifestation is an
all-embracing, inclusive idea. Najib is also paying close attention to the
needs of different ethnic and sub-ethnic communities and engaging them at the
social and cultural level as part and parcel of his 1Malaysia drive.
There is a lucid message he is attempting to put across.
There must be understanding and empathy among us, whatever our religious or
cultural differences. We must respect
one another.
Respecting one another means that we should never ever
manipulate each other. This is what happened in the recent DAP symbol episode.
Though there was no question at all about whether the DAP could use its own
rocket symbol, in the high drama that the leadership staged it opted to use
PAS’s symbol, rather than the PKR symbol on the Peninsula. Wouldn’t it have
been more logical for the DAP to use PKR’s symbol since the DAP wants PKR
leader Anwar Ibrahim, to be the Prime Minister if PR won the General
Election? Why did it prefer the symbol
of a party whose goal of a hudud oriented Islamic state it vehemently opposes? Is it because Pas has much more Malay support
on the Peninsula than PKR and the DAP was hoping to capitalise on its support?
Isn’t this rank opportunism?
Isn’t this what the PAS-DAP-PKR grouping is all about? An opportunistic grouping hell-bent on power
but opposed to each other. If an illusion on the one hand, and a misconception,
on the other, makes the grouping a catastrophe, its opportunism renders it an
even greater catastrophe.
THINK CAREFULLY!
VOTE WISELY!!
With warm regards,
Chandra Muzaffar.
29 April 2013.