THE THIRD FORCE: INDEPENDENT MPs WITH NO EXECUTIVE AMBITIONS

 

We need to set clear criteria on what it means to be the Third Force. Let me explain.

I first mooted the idea of a Malaysian Third Force sometime in the 2000s. The objective was never to create another coalition seeking to take over Putrajaya. Rather, the idea was to cultivate a small group of truly independent Members of Parliament whose highest political ambition is simply to become an MP and remain an MP.

They would have no executive ambitions, no ministerial ambitions, no ambitions for GLC appointments, and no desire for positions or rewards from the government of the day. Their role would be singular: to function as a genuine parliamentary check and balance within an increasingly bipolar coalition system.

The reasoning behind this idea is simple. Once politicians enter coalitions with ambitions for executive power, compromises inevitably follow. To survive politically, gain positions, or remain within the inner circles of power, politicians may gradually bend principles they were never supposed to bend. This does not necessarily mean they are bad people. Many may begin as ethical, sincere, and principled individuals.

However, the structure and incentives of coalition politics slowly pressure them toward compromise after compromise. Malaysia has witnessed this clearly, particularly after 2018 and even more so after 2022, where political alignments, realignments, and survival calculations often pushed politicians and parties into positions that contradicted earlier principles, narratives, and promises.

Malaysia does not necessarily need another coalition, nor more politicians merely jostling for power under different banners. What the country may need instead is a parliamentary balancing force. In a Parliament where two major coalitions are often closely matched, even a relatively small group of disciplined and principled independent MPs can influence the direction, tone, and accountability of governance. The aim is not to replace one bloc with another, but to ensure that no bloc becomes too dominant, arrogant, or insulated from scrutiny.

In fact, such an idea may not even require 15 to 25 MPs at the beginning. Sometimes ideas begin with just two or three highly respected individuals who consistently demonstrate integrity, transparency, intellectual independence, and the courage to judge issues based on merit rather than party instructions. Over time, if such individuals earn public trust and prove that they cannot be bought, pressured, or absorbed into the machinery of patronage politics, the idea itself gradually becomes more realistic and more powerful.

Ultimately, the greatest challenge is not mathematical. It is moral credibility. Citizens must genuinely believe that these MPs exist not to accumulate power, positions, or rewards, but to protect the integrity of Parliament and the long-term interests of the nation.

WHY WE ARE RIPE FOR A THIRD FORCE?

Historically, Malaysia mirrored a dominant-party system rather than a two-coalition system. For decades, Barisan Nasional dominated politics while opposition parties existed but remained fragmented, regionalised, and considerably weaker. Politics during this period was largely characterised by one dominant governing coalition facing multiple disconnected opposition parties that struggled to present a coherent national alternative.

However, beneath the surface, the seeds of coalition bipolarity were already beginning to emerge. The late 1980s and early 1990s marked an important structural turning point in Malaysian politics. The split within United Malays National Organisation and the emergence of Semangat 46 created the conditions for opposition parties to move beyond isolated party competition and begin experimenting with coordinated coalition politics.

The 1990 General Election became one of the earliest major signs of this shift when Semangat 46 worked together with PAS under the banner of Angkatan Perpaduan Ummah (APU), while simultaneously cooperating with parties such as Democratic Action Party and Parti Rakyat Malaysia through broader opposition arrangements. The dramatic entry of Parti Bersatu Sabah into the opposition fold shortly before the election further reinforced the growing idea that Malaysian politics was slowly evolving into competition between larger political blocs rather than merely individual parties.

Although Barisan Nasional continued to dominate federally throughout the 1990s, the logic of coalition-versus-coalition politics had already taken root. The Reformasi movement of 1998 and the formation of Barisan Alternatif in 1999 strengthened this trend even further by bringing together parties from different ideological, ethnic, and religious backgrounds under a broader anti-establishment platform. By 2008, the momentum had accelerated significantly when the opposition denied Barisan Nasional its two-thirds parliamentary majority for the first time in decades.

The process eventually culminated in 2018 when Pakatan Harapan defeated Barisan Nasional federally for the first time in Malaysian history. Seen from this perspective, Malaysia’s political evolution toward a two-bloc coalition system did not suddenly begin in 2008 or 2018. Rather, it developed gradually over nearly three decades, transforming the country from a dominant-party system into what may best be described today as an electorally bipolar but structurally multipolar coalition system.

This movement toward coalition bipolarity has important consequences. During elections, Malaysian politics increasingly behaves like a two-bloc contest, where political parties and narratives become organised around competing coalitions. However, once elections are over, the system quickly reverts into a far more fluid and multipolar arrangement shaped by negotiations, realignments, factional movements, regional interests, and survival calculations. This creates an environment where both blocs continuously compete not only for power, but also for emotional dominance through ethnic, religious, and identity-based outbidding.

As long as the two major coalitions remain relatively balanced in strength, this may be precisely the right time for a genuine parliamentary balancing force to emerge. What Malaysia may need is a group of independent MPs who permanently refuse absorption into either bloc and remain committed to voting issue by issue based on principles, governance, national stability, and long-term national interests rather than coalition survival.

The larger the group, the stronger the balancing effect. A bloc of 15 to 25 disciplined and principled independent MPs could potentially prevent excessive polarization, reduce destructive ethnic and religious outbidding, and redirect parliamentary attention toward real national issues instead of emotionally charged narratives designed primarily to secure bloc loyalty during elections.

 WHO CAN BE A THIRD FORCE MP?

Be that as it may, as stated earlier, a few good men and women who are fiercely independent, ethical, and capable individuals would already be a great start. As such, let us define who these Third Force individuals are and why they deserve our attention, support, and votes. Support may come not only through voting, but also through crowdfunding, volunteerism, and public endorsement. Some may even be individuals who have already accumulated enough success and stability in life and now genuinely wish to give back to society and country.

To preserve the integrity and purpose of the Third Force, several core criteria must be clear from the very beginning.

1. They must pledge to remain fully independent
   They must publicly commit not to join any coalition, political party, or government after winning. Their highest political ambition must remain solely as an MP.
2. They must reject all executive and patronage positions
   They must refuse ministerial posts, deputy minister positions, GLC appointments, ambassadorial appointments, politically-linked advisory roles, or any position offered as a reward by the government of the day.
3. They must have a proven track record of integrity
   The country does not merely need loud personalities or politicians repackaged as independents. These individuals must already demonstrate ethical conduct, consistency, discipline, and public credibility long before entering politics.
4. They must care for all Malaysians
   While they may naturally identify with their own religion, ethnicity, or culture, they must ultimately approach issues from a broader Malaysian perspective. The Third Force cannot become another platform for ethnic or religious outbidding.
5. They must possess real competence and experience
   These individuals may come from many walks of life. They may be environmentalists, retired business leaders, doctors, lawyers, engineers, teachers, economists, academics, social workers, or professionals who have demonstrated competence and contribution to society. What matters is not popularity, but capability, wisdom, courage, and service.
6. They must vote issue by issue, not bloc by bloc
   Their loyalty must be to principles, good governance, institutional integrity, national stability, and long-term national interests rather than coalition survival or party instructions. At times they may support the government. At other times they may support the opposition. Their votes cannot be automatically purchased through positions, pressure, or political bargaining.
7. They must practise transparency and accountability
   They should openly declare funding sources, conflicts of interest, business interests, and major political contributions. Citizens must be able to trust that their independence is genuine and not quietly controlled by hidden interests.
8. They must be willing to lose power rather than lose principles
   Ultimately, the true test of a Third Force MP is whether he or she is willing to stand alone when necessary. Independence only matters when it survives pressure, temptation, fear, and political isolation.

Finally, wse the Malaysian voters must also mature politically. If Malaysians truly want a stronger parliamentary democracy, society must learn to value principled independence as much as political power. We must be willing to support individuals who may never become ministers, but who may nevertheless play a vital role in protecting the integrity, balance, and long-term stability of the nation.

Peace.

Anas Zubedy

Kual Lumpur