HARI INI DI SINAR HARIAN

 

https://www.sinarharian.com.my/article/782859/khas/pendapat/siapakah-yang-bakal-menerajui-malaysia-pascapru16

RAFIZI RAMLI AND ANWAR IBRAHIM: A Question of Collective Responsibility

 

Rafizi Ramli has gone to town attacking Anwar Ibrahim. This sharp turn has been highly visible since Rafizi was sidelined during the PKR internal elections, losing the Deputy Presidency to Anwar’s daughter, Nurul Izzah. For those with a clear head and a long memory, this public onslaught begs a few fundamental questions.

Before proceeding, let me be entirely transparent. I have been consistently critical of Anwar Ibrahim’s suitability to become Prime Minister since the 1990s. I have stated this clearly in my writings, talks, and discussions for over three decades. My position has never been that he lacks talent. Rather, his strengths are not the ones most critically required in a Prime Minister. For more than thirty years, my assessment held true, until he finally assumed the office in 2022.

However, I have always maintained that when an individual is given a responsibility, they deserve a fair opportunity to prove themselves. Likewise, when a coalition is handed the mandate to govern, it must be given the space and time-ideally a full term-to demonstrate its capability and deliver on its promises.

A Prime Minister is, in many ways, the CEO of a nation. The role demands conceptual thinking, strategic clarity, the capacity to manage both today’s crises and tomorrow’s vision, and the ability to build systems, structures, and processes that unite diverse groups of people. It requires reducing uncertainty and fostering trust across society. This cannot be achieved through personality alone-which has often been Anwar’s primary modus operandi. It requires institutional strength, a healthy administrative culture, consistency over time, and a talented team of successors to sustain the journey.

People need to know where the nation is heading; they must trust that today’s policy will not be contradicted tomorrow. Leadership at the highest level is about creating stability and predictability through consistent decisions. Anwar’s true strengths lie elsewhere. He is an exceptional communicator, a man who can inspire and mobilize masses- a fantastic salesman. But even the best salesperson requires a robust marketing machinery, innovation, manufacturing, strict general management, and an effective delivery system behind them.

If Anwar had spent his career championing reform, justice, and the Palestinian cause strictly on the global stage, he would have excelled without measure. My long-standing question has never been whether he is gifted, but whether his specific gifts fit the office of the Prime Minister.

The Collective Silence

Now, let us turn to Rafizi Ramli.

I established my view on Anwar first because I do not want what follows to be mistaken for a defense of the Prime Minister, or an endorsement of the current administration's policies. My inquiry is much narrower: Why is the spotlight now focused almost entirely on Anwar Ibrahim? And why now?

Rafizi speaks today as though the multi-faceted problems he highlights can be traced solely to the Prime Minister. Certainly, Anwar bears the largest share of accountability; that is the burden of the office. But a government is not a one-man show. It is run by a Cabinet, a coalition, party leaders, ministers, and senior decision-makers.

Rafizi was no bystander. For years, he was one of Anwar’s closest political allies and among the most influential architects within PKR. He stood beside Anwar during major political campaigns, engineered core strategies, and shaped national narratives. He was a key player in the September 16 takeover attempt and deeply involved in the Kajang Move. He defended and promoted the exact positions, promises, and political arguments that are now being questioned.

More importantly, after 2022, he moved from outside critic to inside operator, sitting at the highest echelons of executive power as the Minister of Economy.

This is the logical disconnect. If Anwar abandoned certain positions, compromised on core principles, or failed to deliver on reforms, Rafizi was in the room. He was part of the leadership team, part of the discussions, and part of the compromises. He remained in government and continued to serve. To attack these collective decisions now, as though they belonged solely to Anwar Ibrahim, is difficult to reconcile with Rafizi's own history.

Where is the criticism of the other senior leaders who sat around that very same table? Where is the accountability for senior PKR, DAP, and Amanah leaders, or ministers like Anthony Loke, who continue to serve in government today? If mistakes were made and promises broken, responsibility cannot be conveniently singularized.

The timing also raises legitimate questions. Why are these criticisms peaking only now? Why were they not articulated with this same intensity when Rafizi held peak influence as Deputy President of PKR and a senior minister?

Consider the case of Azam Baki. Before the 2022 general election, Rafizi repeatedly used the MACC Chief as a symbol of systemic failure. Ceramah after ceramah created a powerful public expectation that decisive action would follow once power was secured. Yet, when Pakatan Harapan entered government and Rafizi became Minister of Economy, Azam Baki remained in office.

If this issue was as fundamentally non-negotiable as Rafizi suggested before 2022, what changed after? Why was there no public ultimatum? Why was there no resignation on principle? Why did the issue lose urgency while he was in power, only to regain relevance after his internal party influence waned?

The same can be asked regarding UMNO. Before 2022, Rafizi aggressively dismantled UMNO’s credibility. Post-election, UMNO became a governing partner. Realpolitik often requires compromise, but the question remains: was the public given a realistic picture before power was obtained, and were the same standards applied afterward?

These are not questions asked to shield Anwar Ibrahim. They are questions about intellectual and political consistency. Governments rise and fall as teams. Decisions are made collectively, policies are defended collectively, and failure must be owned collectively.

The Path to Redemption

Having said that, if I were in Rafizi's shoes, I would likely share his frustration. As a fellow man, I can understand how political setbacks, coupled with personal dynamics, can leave one feeling disappointed or betrayed. Politics is one thing; family is entirely another.

Perhaps the most critical factor we must acknowledge is the abhorrent attack directed at his young son. Most decent people will agree that children must remain strictly off-limits in the blood sport of politics. A politician is fair game; their children are not.

When a politician’s child is targeted, the state apparatus should leave no stone unturned. The investigation should be visible, thorough, and beyond reproach, regardless of whether the parent is Rafizi, Anwar, Muhyiddin, Hadi Awang, or Anthony Loke. If Rafizi felt that this deeply personal matter was not met with the urgency and seriousness it deserved by the authorities, it is completely understandable why it would leave a profound, permanent scar. Such an experience can cause any parent to radically reassess relationships, loyalties, and politics itself.

If Rafizi has genuinely changed his mind about his past compromises and political alliances, he should say so openly. There is no shame in admitting a shift in position, nor is there shame in admitting one was wrong.

However, this is a broader challenge facing every politician across the spectrum - from PKR and DAP to UMNO, Bersatu, and PAS - who promised one thing on the campaign trail and executed another upon entering Putrajaya. How does a politician regain public trust after disappointing the voters who believed in them?

The answer does not lie in another podcast, an analytical thread, or a fiery ceramah. It begins with genuine humility.

The first step is to apologize.

Not a token, calculated political statement designed to reframe the narrative. Not an apology followed by a hundred justifications. But a real, unconditional apology that openly states: “I promised one thing, and I did another. I asked for your trust, and I failed to live up to it. I was wrong.”

Many voters cast their ballots, argued with friends, and campaigned based on those foundational promises. When politicians do the exact opposite upon gaining power, the public's feeling of betrayal is entirely valid.

Politicians who want a second chance must earn it by lowering themselves, swallowing their pride, and asking for forgiveness with genuine remorse. I have far more respect for a leader who stands before the nation and admits, "I made promises I could not keep; please forgive me," than one who spends years pretending the goalposts never moved.

Only after that vulnerability can the conversation about redemption truly begin.

Furthermore, if leaders want voters to believe they have genuinely reformed, they must offer a binding commitment for the future. They must assure the electorate that if they make a promise in the next election and later find it compromised by coalition friction or party pressure, they will not simply sit quietly to preserve their titles.

They must be prepared to stand by their principles, speak up publicly, and if necessary, have the courage to walk away.

Only then will the apology carry weight. Only then will voters believe the lesson has been learned. Only then can trust begin to be rebuilt.

The ball is in your court Rafizi “ dan ahli-ahli politik yang sama waktu dengannya 😊”

Peace,

Anas Zubedy.

THE FORTY AHSAN AL-HADITH PROJECT

 

For the last few years, I have been researching, reflecting upon, and collecting a set of Qur'anic verses that have profoundly shaped my life. Today, I am finally ready to begin sharing them.

The working title is:

Forty Ahsan al-Hadith
Forty Qur'anic Verses That Shaped My Life

Over the coming months, I will be sharing forty Qur'anic verses that have inspired, guided, challenged, comforted, and shaped me throughout my life.

This is a project that has been quietly taking shape in my mind and research over the last few years.

The Qur'an has accompanied me through poverty and prosperity, success and failure, certainty and doubt, youth and old age. Like many Muslims, I have turned to its guidance in moments of joy, confusion, gratitude, and hardship.

Every verse of the Qur'an is important. Every verse contains guidance, wisdom, and signs for those who reflect.

This project is therefore not about discussing the basic teachings of Islam as we commonly know them today. Rather, it is about sharing forty Qur'anic verses that have had a profound impact on my own life and understanding.

These are the verses that have shaped me as a son, sibling, friend, corporate professional, entrepreneur, Malaysian, and Muslim. They have influenced how I think, how I lead, how I relate to others, and how I understand and practise my faith and my place in the world.

I hope to share these reflections not only with Muslims, but also with non-Muslims, agnostics, and atheists. You do not have to agree with my conclusions to join the conversation. Curiosity, reflection, and respectful dialogue are enough.

Some readers may notice the title uses the phrase Ahsan al-Hadith (أَحْسَنَ الْحَدِيثِ). The title comes from the Qur'an itself.

Allah says:

"Allah has sent down the best Hadith (أَحْسَنَ الْحَدِيثِ): a consistent Book wherein is reiteration. The skins shiver therefrom of those who fear their Lord; then their skins and their hearts relax at the remembrance of Allah. That is the guidance of Allah by which He guides whom He wills. And one whom Allah leaves astray, for him there is no guide."

(Qur'an 39:23, Saheeh International)

In this project, I will use the spelling Hadith when referring to the Qur'anic term hadith, meaning discourse, narrative, speech, or message. When referring to the collected sayings and traditions of Prophet Muhammad ﷺ, I will use the spelling Hadeeth. This is simply a writing convention to help readers distinguish between the two usages.

This project is not intended to be a formal work of tafsir. However, wherever relevant, I will draw upon classical and contemporary tafsir, Qur'anic scholarship, and the Arabic language itself. I plan to explore root words within each verse, drawing from Qur'anic dictionaries and linguistic sources to better understand the meanings, nuances, and insights embedded in the text.

I will also examine how the Hadeeth literature has understood, explained, or related to the verses under discussion. Where relevant, I will explore what the major Hadeeth collections and broader Islamic scholarly discussions have said about a particular verse and its application.

These reflections will therefore be personal, but they will also be informed by the rich intellectual tradition that Muslims have inherited over the centuries.

In many ways, this project is also an invitation to spend more time with the Qur'an itself. Not merely to recite it, but to reflect upon it, engage with it, learn from it, and allow it to shape the way we see ourselves and the world around us.

Why Forty?

I chose the number forty because I am inspired by the Arba'in tradition in Muslim history. Beginning as early as the second and third centuries of Islam, Muslim scholars started compiling collections of forty Hadeeth on various themes for the benefit of the community.

Among the earlier examples were collections associated with scholars such as Imam Abdullah ibn al-Mubarak (8th century CE / 2nd century AH). The tradition continued to grow through the works of scholars such as Imam al-Ajurri (10th century CE / 4th century AH) and Imam al-Bayhaqi (11th century CE / 5th century AH), among many others.

The most famous of all is undoubtedly the Forty Hadeeth of Imam al-Nawawi (13th century CE / 7th century AH), a work that continues to be studied throughout the Muslim world today.

Those collections gathered forty sayings of the Prophet ﷺ. This project seeks to draw inspiration from that tradition by gathering forty verses from the Qur'an itself, which Allah describes as Ahsan al-Hadith (The Best Hadith).

There were collections of forty Hadeeth before Imam al-Nawawi, and many more after him. For nearly a thousand years, Muslim scholars have used the Arba'in format to gather and share teachings they believed would benefit the community. I see this project as a humble attempt to draw inspiration from that rich tradition, but this time based on the Qur'an, which Allah Himself describes as Ahsan al-Hadith.

Most importantly, these are my forty Ahsan al-Hadith (أَحْسَنَ الْحَدِيثِ), forty Qur'anic verses that have profoundly impacted my life. You may have a different forty. In fact, I hope you do.

One of my hopes is that this project will encourage other Muslims to identify and share their own forty Ahsan al-Hadith from their own list of Qur'anic verses that shaped their lives.

Imagine a lawyer writing about the forty Qur'anic verses that shaped his understanding of justice.

Imagine a teacher sharing the forty verses that influenced her approach to education.

Imagine doctors, engineers, scientists, entrepreneurs, civil servants, artists, AI specialists, social workers, and parents reflecting on the verses that guided them in their respective fields and life journeys.

Each person's forty may be different. Yet together, they would demonstrate the timeless ability of the Qur'an to speak to human beings across different professions, cultures, experiences, and generations.

One of the goals of this project is therefore to encourage all of us to reflect on which verses have most influenced our own lives. Which verses have shaped our character, our decisions, our relationships, our understanding of God, and our understanding of ourselves?

The Qur'an repeatedly invites us to think, reflect, observe, learn, and engage with the world around us. That invitation is open to everyone.

I look forward to sharing this journey with you, one verse at a time, and perhaps inspiring you to discover your own Forty Ahsan al-Hadith.

As always, I welcome your thoughts, feedback, questions, disagreements, and suggestions. If a particular verse has profoundly shaped your life, I would be delighted to hear about it.

Peace,

Anas Zubedy

The first Ahsan al-Hadith will be shared soon.

Question: If you had to choose just one Qur'anic verse that has most influenced your life, what would it be and why?

UEC – ENVISIONING A MORE UNITED MALAYSIA

  

Part 3 of “The UEC: Another Vote-Baiting Issue?”

In Part 1 of this series, "The UEC: Another Vote-Baiting Issue?", I argued that the UEC issue has often been used as a political football rather than approached as a genuine policy challenge.

In Part 2, "Malaysian Voters: Are We Thinkers or Suckers?", we applied the first step of the ZUBEDY DEAR Method: Define Reality. We examined the actual policy changes, looked at the numbers involved, and discovered that the issue is far more nuanced and limited than the emotionally charged narratives often presented by politicians and their supporters.

Before we move to the next step of the DEAR Method, namely Envision, two important points should be noted.

First, while the number of UEC students directly affected by the recent policy change may ultimately involve only a couple of hundred students annually, the issue remains important. These are fellow Malaysians and citizens. More importantly, affordability matters. For lower-income UEC graduates, alternative pathways often come with significantly higher costs, while students from wealthier families generally have more educational options regardless of government policy.

Second, we cannot meaningfully discuss a more united Malaysia by looking only at UEC students. Any serious conversation about educational pathways, opportunity, and national unity must also include students from tahfiz institutions, pondok and madrasah schools, as well as other non-mainstream education streams. A united Malaysia must work for all Malaysians.

Having defined reality, we can now move to the next step of the DEAR Method: Envision.

E – ENVISION

In envisioning a better future, one of the most important things we must do is inspire ourselves and fellow Malaysians with a bright vision that provides hope. Hope is critical because without hope, Malaysians become cynical. We stop looking for solutions and start looking for someone to blame. We begin to see every issue as another reason to fear, distrust, or oppose one another.

Hope allows us to see possibilities. It allows us to believe that Malaysians can become more united, whether they come from the national education stream, UEC schools, or religious schools such as tahfiz, pondok, and madrasah institutions. Hope moves us beyond arguments and towards solutions.

Once we have hope, we can identify specific mission areas that deserve our attention. We can focus on education, re-learning, training, communication, and building greater understanding between communities. Instead of arguing endlessly about problems, we begin making new plans.

However, envisioning must not remain merely as documentation or wishful thinking. A meaningful vision requires human touch. It must connect with the hopes, concerns, and aspirations of ordinary Malaysians. It must be practical enough to eventually translate into action.

Most importantly, envisioning a better future generates new energy. It allows us to build on whatever strengths we already possess, however small they may seem. We work from our niche.

And Malaysia has many strengths. We have decades of experience living in a diverse society. We know how to compromise. We know how to negotiate differences. We know how to work together despite our many races, religions, cultures, and languages. We have not always done it perfectly, but we have done it often enough to know that it can be done.

The purpose of envisioning is therefore not to dwell on what divides us, but to build on what unites us.

The challenge for Malaysia has never been whether we should have diversity in education. Educational diversity has existed for decades and is likely to continue. The real challenge has always been how to balance educational diversity with a common national framework that helps unite Malaysians.

In my view, the answer is unity without uniformity.

Today, it is neither realistic nor practical to expect every Malaysian child to study under one roof or attend the same type of school. Malaysia has evolved significantly since Merdeka. Multiple educational pathways are now deeply embedded in our society and are likely to remain so for the foreseeable future.

The question therefore is no longer whether multiple educational pathways should exist.

The real question is whether we can achieve the best of both worlds.

Can we preserve educational diversity while strengthening national unity?

Can we allow different educational pathways to flourish while ensuring that every Malaysian acquires certain common foundations by the time he or she reaches adulthood?

In my view, the answer must be yes.

Every Malaysian should have a reasonable command of Bahasa Malaysia. We do not expect every Malaysian to be fasih in Bahasa Malaysia. However, every Malaysian must be able to menguasai Bahasa Malaysia sufficiently to communicate, work, interact, and participate fully in national life.

Likewise, every Malaysian should have a deep understanding of Malaysian history and feel personally connected to it. History is not merely about examinations, dates, or memorising events. It is about understanding how our nation was formed, the sacrifices that were made, the compromises that were reached, and the challenges that continue to shape us today.

More importantly, every Malaysian should be able to see Malaysian history as part of his or her own personal story. While we may celebrate our various ancestral, cultural, religious, or civilisational histories, our common national history must remain Malaysian history. We should not project another country's historical narrative onto Malaysia. Instead, we should understand Malaysia on its own terms, through its own experiences, struggles, achievements, and aspirations.

But perhaps even more important than language and history is social interaction.

The earlier Malaysians interact with one another, the better.

One of the challenges of UEC schools, religious schools, and certain private schools is that students often spend most of their formative years within relatively homogeneous environments. As a result, many have fewer opportunities to mix with Malaysians from different races, religions, cultures, and socioeconomic backgrounds.

For a country like Malaysia, this is not ideal.

Unity is not built through slogans. Unity is built through relationships. It is built when Malaysians study together, play together, eat together, travel together, work together, and solve problems together.

It is difficult to fear someone you know well. It is difficult to dislike someone whose home you have visited, whose food you have tasted, whose stories you have heard, and whose friendship you value.

If our vision is a more united Malaysia, then one of our priorities must be to create opportunities for Malaysians from different educational streams to interact meaningfully with one another as early as possible. We should not wait until they enter the workforce before they begin discovering fellow Malaysians from different backgrounds.

If such interaction cannot happen fully at the school level, then it should happen at the university level. The earlier the better. If not at university, then through structured national programmes, community activities, volunteerism, sports, leadership initiatives, and other platforms that bring young Malaysians together.

The objective is simple: create opportunities for Malaysians to know one another before stereotypes and misunderstandings become deeply entrenched. Whether they come from a UEC school, a madrasah, a tahfiz institution, a private school, or a national school, no Malaysian should grow up without meaningful interaction with the rich diversity that makes Malaysia unique.

Every Malaysian should leave school with a reasonable command of Bahasa Malaysia, a deep understanding of Malaysian history, meaningful interaction with fellow Malaysians from different backgrounds, and a strong sense of belonging to this nation.

The pathway may differ, but the destination should remain the same.

That, in my view, is the vision worth pursuing.

This concludes Part 3 of this article series.

In Part 4, we will move to the next stages of the DEAR Method: Action and Reflection. Having defined reality and envisioned a better future, the next question becomes: What practical actions can we take to move Malaysia in that direction, and how do we continuously assess whether those actions are producing the outcomes we seek?

Peace,

Anas Zubedy

 

MALAYSIA : RULERS AND CONSTITUTIONALISM by Arof Ishak

 

An argument is going round that Malaysia is a constitutional democracy, that the monarch cannot issue decrees ‘which legislate all aspects of our lives’, and that the monarch’s domain is strictly the Malay customs, Islam and a few ‘constitutional roles’. This is an argument raising the supremacy of political theory, alone - that the Constitution is supreme.

But, a Constitution is founded on a particular history and associated with a founding society. The Malayan Constitution rolled out in 1957 (which later founded the Malaysian Constitution) was a gift of the Malay Rulers to their people, whereby the Rulers consented to reign as constitutional monarchs, giving up their hitherto position as ‘absolute’ rulers. In other words, the Constitution was ‘created’ by the Malay Rulers; the Constitution did not create the Malay Rulers. Thus, while we proclaim ‘supremacy of the Constitution’, we should not disengage from the whole society and its history.     

The founding (Malay) society reveres the Rulers as payung, whose presence completes the Malay society as a sovereign entity, apart from being protective, inspiring unity, and providing guidance. Thus, the domain of the Rulers is beyond the Constitution, not being above it. Thus, teguran of the Rulers are not infringement of the Constitution. The Constitution is part of the founding society, not apart from it. The Malaysian Constitution is shaped by the society, and its history. The Malaysian Constitution is sui generis. Our Constitution is not libertarian individualism, as that is not the form of our society, which is collectivist; nor is it a Westminster one either, where parliament created the constitution and the monarchy. 

There is reverence for the Malaysian Constitution, just as there is also for the founding society. One cannot have reverence for the Malaysian Constitution by rejecting the nature and essence of the founding Malay society. 

The Rukun Negara, often cited alongside the Constitution, is that expression of the founding society too, in a simpler form. The fifth and concluding principle of the Rukun Negara (kesopanan dan kesusilaan) is in fact the ruling principle, as it guides to the understanding and practice of the four preceding principles. Thus, the third principle of keluhuran perlembagaan wherein the position and powers of the monarchy is appreciated, requires an appreciation that is sopan and bersusila, not sheer written legalism. Harshly questioning the position, rights and privileges of the Rulers, and in public, is the worst possible un-sopan (a biadab) scenario, an assault on the founding Malay culture itself.

Constitutionalism without decorum is hardly noble. 

Arof Ishak

29 May 2026

NOTE - Arof is a friend who does not have Socmed accounts. So, I am sharing his thoughts on the subject. 

Have a Meaningful Gawai

 

HAVE A MEANINGFUL KAAMATAN